GIFT   OF 
MICHAEL  REESE 


THE  STORY  OF  ROME 


AS   GREEKS  AND   ROMANS    TELL   IT 


'*&&& 


THE    STORY    OF   ROME 


AS  GREEKS  AND  ROMANS  TELL  IT 


AN  ELEMENTARY  SOURCE-BOOK 


BY 


GEORGE  WILLIS   BOTSFORD,  Ph.D. 

LECTURER    IN    ANCIENT    HISTORY    IN     COLUMBIA     UNIVERSITY 
AUTHOR   OF   "A   HISTORY   OF   ROME,"    "AN   ANCIENT  HISTORY,"   ETC. 

AND 

LILLIE   SHAW   BOTSFORD 


Nefo  fgotfc 
THE    MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

LONDON  :  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Ltd. 
I903 

All  rights  reserved 


Bfrse 


Copyright,  1903, 
By  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up,  electrotyped,  and  published  June,  1903. 


Nortoooti  $r«8 

J.  S.  Cushlng  &  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

The  object  of  this  volume  is  to  supply  pupils  in  Roman 
history  with  interesting  and  instructive  reading  from  the 
sources.  This  purpose  has  determined  not  only  the  selec- 
tion of  the  material,  but  also  the  method  of  presentation. 
Although  the  book  contains  some  descriptions  of  institu- 
tions, it  is  largely  narrative  and  biographical ;  preference 
has  been  given  to  those  passages  which  illustrate  life  and 
character,  or  which  help  the  reader  to  an  appreciation  of 
general  literature.  To  make  the  subject-matter  intelligible 
as  well  as  attractive  to  young  readers,  the  quotations  have 
been  so  connected  and  interwoven  as  to  form  a  continuous 
story,  and  the  difficulties  have  been  explained  in  notes  and 
references.  These  features  will  doubtless  commend  the 
book  to  many  who,  having  passed  the  age  of  the  pupil, 
are  still  interested  in  the  literature  and  the  life  of  ancient 
Rome. 

As  a  basis  for  the  text,  English  translations,  so  far  as 
they  are  available,  have  been  used  with  the  consent  of  the 
publishers.  These  translations,  however,  have  been  freely 
altered,  with  a  view  chiefly  to  the  simplification  of  the 
style ;  at  the  same  time  care  has  been  taken  to  reproduce 
faithfully  the  meaning  of  the  authors  represented. 

We  believe  this  book  will  bring  the  reader  so  near  to 

V 

115370 


vi  Preface 

the  Romans  that  he  will  look  upon  them  as  real  men  and 
women,  whose  character  and  conduct  he  can  understand 
and  appreciate.  From  this  point  of  view  sources  rightly 
used  have  a  high  educational  value. 

Various  improvements  in  the  language  are  due  to  the 
revision  of  the  proofs  by  Mr.  Charles  Lane  Hanson  of 
the  Mechanic  Arts  High  School,  Boston.  Miss  Elizabeth 
Corinne  Wood  of  the  Wadleigh  High  School,  New  York 
City,  who  also  has  read  the  proofs,  has  given  the  book, 
especially  in  the  annotations,  the  benefit  of  her  experience 
as  a  teacher  and  of  her  good  judgment.  For  the  able 
assistance  of  both  friends  we  are  sincerely  grateful. 

THE  EDITORS. 
Meadow  Brook, 
May  9,  1903. 


CONTENTS 

PAGB 

Translations  used ix 

CHAPTER  I 

I.     Introduction  to  the  Sources I 

II.     Italy  and  Her  People 14 

CHAPTER   II 
The  Seven  Kings  —  The  Prehistoric  Age 29 

CHAPTER   III 
Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy  .......       60 

CHAPTER   IV 
The  Government  and  the  Political  Parties 84 

CHAPTER  V 
The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power    ......     IOI 

CHAPTER  VI 
Government  and  Character  .         .        .         .         .         .        .        .127 

CHAFfER  VII 


The  Revolution — (1)  The  Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sulla        .         .     159 

vii 


viii  Contents 

CHAPTER  VIII 

PAGE 

The  Revolution — (2)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Octavius  .        .        .     189 

,    CHAPTER  IX 
The  Julian  Emperors 233 

CHAPTER   X 
The  Claudian  and  the  Flavian  Emperors 261 

CHAPTER  XI 
The  Five  Good  Emperors 286 


TRANSLATIONS   USED   IN   PREPARING 
THE   TEXT   OF   THIS    BOOK 

Appian,  Roman  History,  translated  by  White.  2  vols.  New  York. 
Macmillan. 

Augustus,  Deeds  {Monumentum  Ancyranum),  translated  by  Fairley, 
in  Translations  and  Reprints  from  the  Original  Sources  of  Euro- 
pean History,  V.     University  of  Pennsylvania. 

Aurelius  Antoninus,  Marcus,  Meditations,  translated  by  Long.  New 
York.     A.  L.  Burt  Company. 

Caesar,  Com mentaries,  translated  (Bohn).     New  York.     Macmillan. 

Catullus,  Poems,  translated  (Bohn).     Macmillan. 

Cicero,  Orations,  translated  (Bohn).  Macmillan.  Republic,  edited 
and  translated  by  Hardingham.     London.     Quaritch. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  Historical  Library,  translated  by  Booth.  London. 
1 814.     (Out  of  print.) 

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  Roman  Antiquities,  translated  by  Spelman. 
London.     1758.     (Out  of  print.) 

Horace,  Works,  translated  by  Martin.     2  vols.     New  York.     Scribners. 

Justin,  Nepos,  and  Eutropius,  translated  (Bohn).  New  York.  Mac- 
millan. 

Juvenal,  Satires  (D.  Iunii  Iuvenalis  Satirce),  with  a  Literal  English 
Prose  Translation  and  Notes.     Macmillan. 

Livy,  History  of  Rome,  translated  by  Spillan  (Bohn).  4  vols.  Mac- 
millan. 

Lucretius,  On  the  Nature  of  the  World  (T.  Lucreti  Cari,  de  Rerum 
Natura  libri  sex),  translated  by  Munro.     London.     Bell  and  Co. 

Ovid,  Fasti,  translated  (Bohn).     New  York.     Macmillan. 

Pliny,  Letters,  translated  by  Church  and  Brodribb.  Philadelphia. 
Lippincott. 


x  Translations  Used 

Plutarch,  Lives,  translated  by  Stewart  and  Long  (Bohn).      4  vols. 

New  York.     Macmillan. 
Polybius,  Histories,  translated  by  Shuckburgh.     2  vols.     Macmillan. 
Propertius,  Elegies,  translated  by  Moore.     London.     Rivingtons. 
Sallust,  Florus,   and   Velleius   Paterculus,   translated   (Bohn).      New 

York.     Macmillan. 
Strabo,  Geography,  translated  (Bohn).     3  vols.     Macmillan. 
Suetonius,  Lives  of  the   Ccesars,   translated  by  Thomas,   revised   by 

Forester  (Bohn).     Macmillan. 
Tacitus,  Annals,  translated  by  Church  and  Brodribb.     Macmillan. 

Histories,  translated  by  Church  and  Brodribb.     Macmillan. 
Tibullus,  Poems,  translated  (Bohn).     Macmillan. 
Vergil,  ALneid,  translated   by  Crane   (verse).     New  York.      Baker, 

Taylor. 

EXPLANATIONS 

Greece,  Rome,  and  Ancient  History  are  abbreviated  titles  of  Botsford, 

History  of  Greece,  History  of  Rome,  and  Ancient  History. 
Words  supplied  by  the  editors  are  enclosed  in  parentheses. 


THE  STORY  OF  ROME 


AS   GREEKS  AND   ROMANS    TELL   IT 


Story  of  Rome 


CHAPTER    I 
I.    Introduction  to  the  Sources 

In  their  earliest  settlement  on  the  Palatine  Mount  the   Theprimi- 
Romans  were  a  simple,  primitive  people,  ignorant  of  the 
comforts  and  the  advantages  of  civilized  life,  such  as  the  Ori- 
entals and  the  Greeks  were  then  enjoying.     Rude  peasants   Rome,  p.  21; 
and  herdsmen,  they  knew  nothing  of  schools  or  of  reading  ^."pp.  258, 
and  writing.     A  great  good  fortune  came  to  them,  therefore,   275. 
when  some  Greeks  from  Chalcis,  Eubcea,  sailed  to  the  coast    Gm^p.33; 
of  Italy  near  the  present  city  of  Naples,  and  founded  the  fjry]™*^' 
colony  of  Cumse.     For  these  new  settlers  began  immedi- 
ately to  trade  with  the  natives,  —  to  exchange  their  artistic 
pottery  and  their  well-woven    cloths   for   the   copper,  the 
grain,  the  slaves,  and  other  products  of  Italy.     The  Latins, 
who  lived  near,  and  who  were  a  remarkably  intelligent  and 
practical  people,  eagerly  learned  whatever  they  could  from 
these  refined  strangers. 

The  most  valuable  of  all  their  acquisitions  was  the  alpha-   Adoption  of 
bet.     At  some  time,  accordingly,  while  the  kings  were  ruling  be£a  p 
Rome,  —  which  was  simply  a  town  of  Latium,  —  some  of  the 
Romans  learned  to  write  and  read.     Traders  began  to  use 
writing  for  business   purposes  ;    priests  wrote  prayers  and 
rituals  ;  and  the  pontiffs  composed  the  fasti,  or  calendar,  —   Rome,  p.  29 ; 
a  list  of  days  of  each  month  setting  forth  the  festivals,  the   f™™'^' 
market-days,  and  the  days  which  were  lucky  or  unlucky  for 
doing  business.     But  neither  priests  nor  pontiffs  wrote  any- 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


The  consu- 
lar fasti. 

Rome,  pp.  66, 
80;  Ancient 
History,  pp. 
297,  306. 


Annals, 
laws,  and 
treaties. 


390  B.C. 


Orations, 
family 
chronicles, 
and  poetry. 

Rome,  p.  90 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  311. 


thing  about  the  events  or  the  life  of  this  early  time,  or 
recorded  any  information  which  could  be  of  service  to  the 
historians,  who  lived  hundreds  of  years  afterward.  Nearly 
all  we  know  of  Rome  under  the  kings,  therefore,  rests  upon 
inferences  from  the  condition  of  her  government,  society, 
and  religion  at  a  later  age.  For  this  reason  we  call  the  regal 
period  prehistoric. 

When  the  Romans  instituted  the  republic  and  annual 
magistrates,  they  found  it  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  who 
had  served  as  consuls  and  dictators  and  in  what  order; 
for  a  man's  position  in  the  state  depended  chiefly  on  the 
offices  he  had  held.  As  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  remem- 
ber a  long  series  of  names,  the  Romans  early  in  the  republic 
began  to  keep  a  written  list  of  their  annual  magistrates. 
They  called  this  list  "  fasti,"  for  they  had  patterned  it  after 
the  calendar.  Thereafter  they  could  date  any  event  by  the 
consuls  of  the  year  in  which  it  happened. 

The  pontiffs  took  another  step  toward  the  writing  of  his- 
tory, when  they  began  to  insert  in  the  fasti  the  striking  events 
of  the  year,  such  as  prodigies,  eclipses,  famines,  and  more 
rarely  political  and  military  happenings.  A  set  of  the  fasti 
thus  expanded  they  called  annals,  because  in  these  records 
events  were  grouped  by  years.  From  the  beginning  of  the 
republic,  too,  the  Romans  recorded  their  treaties  and  laws, 
—  for  instance  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  and  their 
treaty  with  Carthage.  Some  of  this  material  was  destroyed 
by  the  Gauls  in  their  sack  of  the  city,  but  was  restored  from 
memory  with  a  fair  degree  of  accuracy. 

In  the  period  of  the  Samnite  wars  statesmen  began  to 
keep  notes  of  their  political  speeches ;  and  toward  the  end 
of  the  period  the  great  Appius  Claudius  Caecus,  by  writing 
his  orations  in  full,  prepared  the  way  for  a  national  literature. 
At  the  same  time  the  funeral  orations  in  honor  of  distin- 
guished men  were  expanding  into  diffuse,  untrustworthy 
chronicles  of  families.  The  father,  too,  would  often  tell  his 
children   the  wonderful   tales   of  ancient   times  which   he 


Value  of  the  Sources  3 

had  heard  from  his  father.  This  oral  tradition,  however, 
was  even  more  fabulous  than  were  the  family  chronicles. 
Another  kind  of  historical  source  was  created  in  the  First 
Punic  War,  when  Naevius  of  Campania  wrote  a  metrical 
story  of  that  struggle,  in  which  as  a  soldier  he  had  borne  a 
part.  But  though  poetry  of  the  kind  may  contain  much 
historical  truth,  it  is  not  real  history  ;  in  fact  Rome  produced 
no  historian  till  near  the  end  of  the  Second  Punic  War —  201  b.c 
three  hundred  years  after  the  founding  of  the  republic. 

The  writings  of  the  republican  age  thus  far  mentioned,  Value  of  the 
together  with  oral  traditions  and  buildings  of  various  kinds,  sources- 
were  the  only  sources  for  the  history  of  the  period.  The 
materials  differed  greatly  in  value.  ( 1 )  The  traditions  which 
the  earliest  historians  found  at  hand  did  not  reach  back  - 
beyond  the  second  or  third  generation,  excepting  in  the 
case  of  a  few  remarkable  events ;  everything  else  which 
passed  as  tradition  was  really  myth.  (2)  The  family  chroni- 
cles were  a  mixture  of  myth  ar\d  tradition.  (3)  The  political 
orations,  though  few,  had  a  higher  value  for  history.  (4)  The 
fasti  even  for  the  period  before  the  Gallic  invasion  were 
fairly  accurate.  (5)  The  laws  and  treaties  were  abso- 
lutely trustworthy.  In  addition  to  the  written  and  oral 
sources,  there  were  (6)  temples,  city  walls,  and  other  public 
works,  which  in  their  own  way  told  the  early  historian  the 
story  of  Rome's  progress  through  the  past.  For  the  first 
three  centuries  of  the  republic  these  were  the  chief  sources 
used  by  the  historians.  By  bearing  in  mind  the  relative 
value  of  these  materials  while  we  are  reading  any  narrative 
of  the  period,  we  may  determine  in  a  general  way  what  part 
to  accept  as  trustworthy  and  what  part  to  reject. 

Serious  history,  in  contrast  with  the  verses  of  Naevius,   Age  of  the 
began  with  Fabius  Pictor,  a  Roman  senator  and  an  officer  ^J^f11^' 
in  the  war  with  Hannibal.     He  wrote  in  Greek,  the  literary  Fabius 
language  of  the  age,  a  history  of  Rome  from  ^Eneas  to  his  Pictor. 
own  time.     In  the  earlier  part  of  the  work,  while  depending 
chiefly  on  the  meagre  annals  of  the  pontiffs,  he  introduced 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Polybius. 
P.  144. 

A'ome.p.  122: 
Ancient  His- 
t0f7>  P-331- 


Cato  the 
Censor. 
P.  150. 


Teuffel  and 
Schwabe, 
Roman  Lit- 
erature, i.  p. 
64. 


Valerius 
Antias, 
90  B.  c. 


many  myths.  Though  in  the  treatment  of  his  own  time  he 
followed  reliable  sources,  he  showed  extreme  partiality  to 
his  own  city.  He,  too,  grouped  events  by  years,  taking  the 
pontifical  annals  as  his  model ;  and  for  that  reason  he  is 
called  an  annalist — the  first  of  a  long  succession  of  annalists. 

After  Fabius  several  persons  wrote  Roman  histories  in 
Greek,  among  them  Polybius,  a  statesman  of  the  Achaean 
league.  He  was  brought  as  a  hostage  to  Rome,  where  he 
became  the  tutor  of  the  youth  who  was  afterward  known 
as  Scipio  yEmilianus.  Polybius  wrote  a  detailed  account 
of  the  expansion  of  the  Roman  power.  In  preparing  this 
work  he  examined  documents,  travelled  about  to  learn  the 
geography,  climate,  and  products  of  the  countries  he  treated, 
and  especially  attended  to  the  causes,  connection,  and  effects 
of  events ;  in  a  word,  he  set  a  good  example  of  studying 
history  by  the  methods  approved  at  the  present  day.  Cato 
was  the  first  to  compose  a  history  of  Rome  and  Italy  — 
the  Origins  —  in  Latin  prose;  and  it  is  chiefly  for  this 
reason  that  he  is  considered  the  founder  of  Latin  prose 
literature.  "  He  tells  us  that  he  himself  wrote  books  on 
history  with  his  own  hand  in  large  letters,  that  his  boy 
might  start  in  life  with  a  useful  knowledge  of  what  his 
forefathers  had  done." 

An  orator,  too,  of  considerable  force,  Cato  inserted  many 
specimens  of  his  eloquence  in  his  history.  "  The  Romans 
were  well  qualified  for  oratory  by  their  acute  intellect,  their 
love  of  order,  and  their  Italian  vivacity  tempered  with 
Roman  gravity."  Constant  practice  at  the  funerals  of 
their  kinsmen,  in  the  law-courts,  in  the  assemblies,  and  in 
the  senate  had  already  in  the  age  of  Cato  produced  a 
number  of  able  speakers.  It  was  not  till  the  following 
period,  however,  that  their  oratory,  under  Greek  influence, 
reached  its  highest  stage  of  perfection. 

After  the  time  of  Cato  the  Censor,  some  of  the  annalists, 
departing  from  his  plan  of  narrating  facts  in  simple  lan- 
guage for  the  instruction  of  the  serious  reader,  began  to 


The  Ciceronian  Age  5 

write  for  the  entertainment  of  the  public.  To  give  their 
narrative  a  brilliant  coloring  they  filled  it  with  lively  stories 
and  startling  incidents,  however  exaggerated  and  false. 
About  the  time  of  the  Social  War,  Valerius  Antias,  the 
most  infamous  of  these  romancers,  composed  his  Annals 
of  Rome  in  seventy-five  books. 

The  period  of  the  annalists,  which  began  with  Fabius  The  Cicero- 
Pictor,  201   B.C.,  came  to  an  end  about  80   B.C.      Then   83-43  b^c. 
followed  the  historians.     They  were  so  called  not  because 
they  surpassed   the  annalists  in   accuracy,  for   this  was 
usually  not  the  case,  but  because  their  literary  style  was 
superior.    First  in  order  let  us  consider  Gaius  Julius  Caesar,   Gaius  Julius 
although  he  did  not  himself  call  his  narratives  history.   ^f^**'  IOO~ 
While  in  war  and  in  statesmanship  his  achievements  place 
him  among  the  foremost  men  of  the  world,  his  literary 
genius  is  scarcely  less  remarkable.      In  his  writings  he 
shows  a  faultless  taste  and  a  clear,  direct,  masterful  style. 
His  Commentaries  o?i  the  Gallic  War  and  On  the  Civil  War 
are  a  plain  but  forceful  narrative  of  his  wonderful  cam- 
paigns.    The  primary  object  of  these  works  was  to  justify 
his  wars  and  his  political  policy.     The  success  with  which 
he  achieved  this  object  testifies  to  the  straightforwardness 
of  his  policy  as  well  as  to  his  mastery  of  the  pen.    Although 
from  his  point  of  view  the  "  Commentaries  "  were  mere 
notes  which  might  prove  useful  to  the  future  historian,  the 
world  concedes  that  no  better  history  can  be  written. 

Somewhat  later  Sallust  wrote  a  monograph  On  the  Con-  Sallust. 
spiracy  of  Catiline  and  another  On  the  Jugurthine  War. 
Along  with  his  narrative  of  events,  he  tried  impartially  to 
analyze  the  character  of  society  and  the  motives  of  con- 
duct. Perhaps  no  other  Roman  historian  cherished  so 
high  a  regard  for  the  truth.  These  works  we  still  have, 
but  most  of  his  History,  in  which  he  described  the  events 
following  Sulla's  death,  has  been  lost.  Caesar  and  Sallust 
were  the  chief  historians  of  their  age.  Though  each  noble 
family  recorded   the   deeds   of   illustrious   ancestors,    no 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Nepos. 


Marcus  Tul- 
lius  Cicero, 
106-43  B«c- 


Rome,\>.  182; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  366. 


Lucretius. 
P.  227. 


Catullus. 
P.  230. 


national  interest  in  biography  arose  till  the  closing  years 
of  the  republic,  when  the  great  men  of  Rome  began  to 
attract  all  eyes.  At  this  time  Cornelius  Nepos  wrote  a 
work  On  Eminent  Men,  in  which  he  treated  of  famous 
Romans  and  foreigners.  Most  of  his  lives  which  we 
possess  are  of  Greek  generals ;  they  show  him  to  have 
been  an  inferior  and  untrustworthy  author. 

In  this  age  Roman  oratory  reached  the  height  of  its 
development  in  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero.  As  Caesar  em- 
bodied imperialism,  Cicero  represented  the  better  spirit 
of  the  republic.  As  a  statesman  he  cherished  high  ideals 
of  republican  freedom ;  as  a  citizen  he  was  intensely  patri- 
otic ;  and  his  private  character  was  worthy  and  amiable. 
His  achievement  was  to  bring  the  prose  of  his  country  to 
formal  perfection,  —  to  make  Latin  a  great  classical  lan- 
guage. This  result  he  accomplished  by  developing,  refin- 
ing, and  enriching  his  mother  tongue  not  only  in  oratory 
but  in  nearly  every  style  of  prose  from  philosophy  to  fa- 
miliar correspondence.  It  is  chiefly  owing  to  his  creative 
genius  that  Latin  has  been  the  universal  language  of  learn- 
ing and  culture  from  his  time  almost  to  the  present  day. 
If  in  reading  his  Orations  we  make  allowance  for  their 
rhetorical  coloring  and  their  political  bias,  we  shall  find 
them  valuable  for  the  study  of  the  age.  More  trustworthy 
are  his  Letters  to  friends,  in  which  he  speaks  candidly  of 
passing  events. 

As  the  temperament  of  the  Romans  was  realistic  and 
practical,  they  met  with  little  success  in  imaginative  litera- 
ture. Lucretius,  a  poet  of  the  Ciceronian  age,  composed 
in  verse  a  work  On  the  Nature  of  the  World,  in  which 
he  tried  by  means  of  science  to  dispel  from  the  mind  all 
fear  of  death  and  of  the  gods,  —  to  free  men  from  super- 
stition. Notwithstanding  the  scientific  details  in  which 
the  poem  abounds,  it  is  a  work  of  genius.  Catullus, 
brilliant  poet  of  the  same  age,  wrote  beautiful  lyrics  on 
subjects  of  love  and  life,  and  some  bitter  lampoons.     On 


The  Augustan  Age  7 

the  whole,  the  poetry  of  this  period  is  less  celebrated  than 
that  of  the  following. 

At  the  time  when  Augustus  established  the  imperial  The  Augus- 
government,  most  thinkers  and  writers  were  republican  bc-S^I? 
in  spirit.  Disliking  the  rule  of  one  man,  some  maintained 
a  sullen  silence  ;  others  recognizing  the  advantages  of 
imperial  peace,  or  won  by  the  patronage  of  the  emperor, 
easily  adapted  themselves  to  the  new  order  of  things.  It 
was  the  policy  of  Augustus  to  enlist  all  the  literary  talent 
of  Rome  in  support  of  his  system.  In  his  spirit,  accord- 
ingly, and  for  the  achievement  of  his  grand  purpose,  the 
gifted  writers  aimed  to  purify  and  ennoble  the  present  by 
bringing  it  the  life  of  the  good  and  great  past.  Livy,  the  Livy. 
most  eminent  author  of  prose  in  this  age,  wrote  a  History 
of  Rome  in  a  hundred  and  forty-two  books.1  From  what 
has  been  said  above  on  the  sources  of  history  for  the  regal  P.  2. 
period  and  the  early  republic,  it  will  be  clear  that  the 
military  and  personal  details  in  the  early  books  of  Livy's 
works  are  largely  mythical.  Yet  even  in  this  part  the 
author  expresses  vividly  and  accurately  the  character  of 
Rome  and  of  her  citizens  and  institutions.  From  the  time 
of  the  Punic  Wars,  the  details  of  every  kind  are  in  a  high 
degree  trustworthy. 

Though  in  his  conception  of  the  aim  and  method  of  his- 
tory he  was  far  inferior  to  Polybius,  whom  he  had  read,  he 
loved  what  he  supposed  to  be  the  truth  and  the  right. 
His  sympathies  were  intensely  republican ;  with  his  fine 
rhetorical  training  he  would  have  been,  like  Cicero,  a 
great  orator,  had  he  lived  a  few  years  earlier.  Yet  he 
consented  to  work  for  Augustus.  His  love  of  law  and 
order,  his  hatred  of  violence  and  vulgarity,  served  the 
interests  of  his  patron,  while  the  vast  compass  and  the 
stately   style    of    his    history,    like    the    splendid    public 

1  Books  i-x  and  xxi-xlv,  with  mere  summaries  of  the  remaining  books, 
have  alone  come  down  to  us,  and  are  our  chief  source  for  the  earlier 
periods. 


8  Introduction  to  the  Sources 

works  of  the  age,  helped  make  the  imperial  government 
magnificent. 
Dionysius  of       While  Livy  was  writing  his  great  work,  Dionysius  of 
SfiJCarnaS      Halicarnassus  was  compiling  a  detailed  history  of  Rome 
from  the  earliest  times  to  the  beginning  of  the  Punic  Wars. 
As  an  historian  he  is  on  the  whole  inferior  to  Livy ;  and 
yet  his  work  is  a  valuable  source  for  the  life  and  institutions 
of  early  Rome. 
Diodorus  Another  Greek  writer  of  the  Augustan  age,  Diodorus  the 

the  Sicilian.  Siciiiailj  took  a  wider  interest  in  history.  Thirty  years  he 
devoted  to  travel  over  Europe  and  Asia  and  to  study  in  the 
preparation  of  his  vast  historical  Library,  which  narrated 
the  events  of  the  civilized  world  from  the  earliest  times  to 
the  conquest  of  Gaul.  The  author  showed  no  judgment  in 
selecting  his  material  or  in  putting  it  together ;  hence  the 
different  parts  of  his  work  are  of  unequal  merit.  He  h%d 
no  conception  of  the  unity  of  history,  and  this  fault,  together 
with  his  arrangement  of  events  by  years,  prevented  him 
from  tracing  the  causes,  connection,  and  effects  of  events, 
—  from  being  a  good  historian.  His  descriptions  of  coun- 
tries and  nations,  however,  are  excellent ;  and  in  spite  of 
all  defects,  his  work  is  indispensable,  as  it  is  our  only 
source  for  long  periods  of  ancient  history.  Of  the  forty 
books  we  have  the  first  five,  the  eleventh  to  the  twentieth, 
and  fragments  of  the  other  parts. 
Strabo.  At  the  same  time  lived  Strabo,  the  geographer.     After 

travelling  through  many  countries  and  learning  much 
from  earlier  writers,  he  composed  a  description  of  the 
known  world  in  seventeen  books.  He  gives  useful  his- 
torical information,  too,  regarding  many  of  the  places 
which  he  mentions.  Though  he  wrote  in  Greek,  and  had 
Greek  blood  in  his  veins,  he  was  a  native  of  Pontus  in 
Asia  Minor,  and  was  connected  with  the  ancient  kings  of 
that  country. 
Vergil.  The  poetry  of  the  Augustan  age  is  even  more  celebrated 

Pp.  101, 240.    tjian  the   prose.     In  several  ways  Vergil,   the  poet,  re- 


Poetry  9 

sembles  Livy.     Both  composed  in  a  lofty  style  with  high 
moral  aims.     Inspired  by  the  greatness  of   Rome,  both 
were  patriotic  from  the  heart,  and  expressed  more  per- 
fectly than  any  other  writers  the  ideals  of  their  nation. 
The  poet's  narrative  is  as  lively  and  as  dramatic  as  the 
historian's.      Vergil    is   graceful,    tender,    and   childlike. 
His  principal  work  is  an  epic  poem   called  the  sEneid. 
In  this  story  of  the  wanderings  of  ^Eneas  he  glorifies  the  Rome,  pp.  17. 
beginnings  of  Rome  and  at  the  same  time,  the  imperial  History,  ??. 
family,  which  claimed  descent  from  the  hero  of  his  poem.   s65.  387- 
Horace,   author  of   Odes   and    Satires  and  Epistles  in   Horace, 
verse,  was  the  poet  of  contentment  and  common  sense,     p,233>  2S7* 
who  bade  his  friends  — 

Snatch  gayly  the  joys  which  the  moment  shall  bring, 
And  away  every  care  and  perplexity  fling. 

Leave  the  future  to  the  gods,  he  taught.  A  comfortable 
villa,  some  shady  nook  in  summer,  and  in  winter  a  roar- 
ing fireplace,  good  wine,  pleasant  friends,  and  a  mind 
free  from  care  make  an  ideal  life.  After  the  stormy  end 
of  the  republic,  the  world  needed  such  a  lesson ;  and 
though  he  remained  independent  in  spirit,  Horace  quietly 
served  his  prince.  His  work  abounds  in  references  to 
manners,  customs,  and  events,  and  hence  is  valuable  for 
an  understanding  of  the  age. 

Among  the  less  celebrated  writers  of  the  Augustan  age,   Propertius 
Propertius  was  a  young  poet  of   rare  genius,  the   most  *nd  Tlbul" 
original  master  of  the  Latin  elegy.     Though  inferior  to  Pp.'  36,  227, 
him,  Tibullus  was  more  popular  because  of  his  sincerity  255,  257" 
and  his  gentleness.     Both  poets  died  young,  before  they 
could  develop  to  the  full  the  range  and  power  of  their  art. 
Far  more  productive  was  Ovid,  the  polished  poet  of  the  Ovid, 
gay,  immoral  circle  which  surrounded  Julia,  the  daughter     ' 42' 
of  Augustus.     Ovid's  great  works  are  the  Metamorphoses, 
a  long  poem  made  up  of  those  legends  —  mostly  Greek  — 
which  involve   changes  of   human   beings   into  animals, 


IO 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Velleius 
Paterculus. 

Rome,  pp. 
219,  221. 


Valerius 

Maximus. 


The 

Claudian  and 
Flavian  Age, 
41-96  a.d.  ; 
Seneca  the 
philosopher. 

Rome, 

p.  234  f. ;  An- 
cient History, 
p.  396. 


plants,  stones,  or  the  like,  and  the  Fasti,  a  metrical  calen- 
dar containing  some  curious  information  regarding  Roman 
customs.  At  the  time  when  Julia  was  banished,  Augustus 
ordered  Ovid  to  leave  Rome  and  to  take  up  his  abode  at 
Tomi,  a  cheerless  barbarian  town  on  the  Black  Sea. 
There  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life.  His  offence 
probably  had  some  relation  with  Julia's  immoral  intrigues. 

To  literature  the  banishment  of  Ovid  was  an  evil  omen  ; 
it  pointed  to  the  fact  that  thinkers  and  writers  were  grow- 
ing restive  under  the  imperial  system,  and  that  the  em- 
peror felt  compelled  to  withdraw  his  patronage  from 
literary  men  and  even  to  repress  their  freedom.  Under 
Tiberius  the  republican  reaction  against  the  empire  was 
at  its  height;  the  time  was  therefore  so  unfavorable  to 
literary  work,  that  this  reign  produced  no  writers  of  talent 
or  especial  merit.  Velleius  Paterculus,  who  had  served 
Tiberius  as  a  military  officer,  wrote  a  short  History  of 
Rome  to  the  year  30  a.d.  The  earlier  period  he  treated 
briefly,  his  own  age  with  greater  fulness.  Wordy  and 
pompous,  he  is  nevertheless  fairly  accurate  in  his  state- 
ment of  facts ;  and  for  the  reign  of  Tiberius  he  enjoys 
the  advantage  of  being  our  only  contemporary  source. 
Undoubtedly  sincere  in  his  admiration  of  the  emperor,  he 
overflows  with  eulogy,  like  a  partisan  rather  than  a  calm- 
tempered  historian.  The  same  lack  of  historical  temper 
we  find  in  Valerius  Maximus,  who  lived  at  the  same  time, 
and  who  wrote  Memorable  Acts  and  Sayings  in  nine  books. 
The  object  seems  to  have  been  to  supply  the  youth  with 
material  for  declamations.  The  work  is  untrustworthy, 
but  contains  some  interesting  and  useful  information. 

The  decline  of  literature  after  Augustus  showed  itself  in 
the  rhetorical  bombast,  the  far-fetched  metaphors,  and  other 
unnatural  devices  of  authors  who  reflected  the  artificial 
society  of  their  day.  At  the  same  time  provincial  writers 
were  bringing  to  Rome  greater  breadth  of  mind  and  deeper 
thought.    An  author  of  this  type  was  Seneca  the  philosopher. 


Tacitus  1 1 

A  Spaniard  by  birth,  a  Stoic,  and  a  rhetorician,  he  became  J?ome,p.2zS\ 
the  tutor  and  afterward  the  prime  minister  of  Nero.  As  a  tory%-3& 
statesman  he  came  far  short  of  the  high  standard  of  morality 
which  his  writings  present.  Nevertheless  his  teachings  fell 
like  seed  on  a  good  soil,  which  in  the  following  generations 
produced  abundant  practical  virtue  ;  for  the  merits  of  the 
five  "  good  emperors  "  were  due  in  considerable  part  to 
Stoicism,  of  which  Seneca  was  the  most  brilliant  exponent. 

Under  the  Flavian  emperors  Pliny  the  Elder  wrote  a  Pliny  the 
Natural  History  in  thirty-seven  books.  In  addition  to  the 
natural  sciences,  it  includes  geography,  medicine,  and  art. 
An  encyclopaedia  compiled  from  two  thousand  different 
works,  it  is  a  great  storehouse  of  knowledge.  What  Pliny  Quintilian. 
did  for  science  Quintilian,  a  native  of  Spain,  achieved  for 
rhetoric.  His  Training  of  the  Orator,  in  twelve  hooks, 
gives  a  complete  course  of  rhetoric  beginning  with  the  boy 
and  ending  with  the  well-equipped  public  speaker.  The 
work  is  valuable  not  only  for  the  famous  author's  principles 
of  rhetoric,  but  also  for  his  opinions  of  the  leading  Greek 
and  Latin  writers. 

The  sufferings  of  republicanism  under  Domitian,  followed  The  Age  of 
by  the  happy  reigns  of  Nerva  and  Trajan,  produced  the   Emperors, 
last  great  writers  of  classic  Latin,  Tacitus  and  Juvenal.   96-180  a.d.; 
One  wrote  history,  the  other  satire,  yet  with  a  kindred 
spirit.    The  Annals  and  the  Histories 1  of  Tacitus  covered  the 
period  from  the  death  of  Augustus  to  the  death  of  Domitian. 
Besides  these  larger  works  he  wrote  a  monograph  on  the 
Life  and  Character  of  Agricola,  the  conqueror  of  Britain, 
and  another,  the  Germania,  on  the  character  and  institu- 
tions of  the  Germans  of  his  time.      His  experience  as  an 
army  officer  and  a  statesman  gave  him  a  clear  understand- 
ing of  military  and  political  events.    He  was  conscientious, 
too,  and  though  he  made  little  use  of  documents  as  sources, 

1  Of  the  Annals  we  have  bks.  i-iv,  parts  of  v  and  vi,  and  xi-xvi,  with 
gaps  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  last  group  of  books ;  of  the  Histories 
there  remain  bks.  i-iv  and  the  first  half  of  v. 


12 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Rome,  p.  238 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  398. 


Rome,  pp. 
249,  261 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  403. 


Juvenal. 
P.  281. 


Pliny  the 
Younger. 
Pp.  275,  291. 


we  may  trust  his  statement  of  all  facts  which  could  be 
known  to  the  public.  His  style  is  exceedingly  rapid,  vivid, 
and  energetic.  His  excellences  as  an  historian,  however, 
are  balanced  by  serious  defects.  Though  he  owed  his 
seat  in  the  senate  to  Domitian,  he  belonged  to  the  strictest 
circle  of  aristocrats,  who  were  out  of  joint  with  the  times 
and  blocked  the  way  of  progress.  Hatred  of  the  "  tyrants  " 
from  Tiberius  to  Domitian,  and  the  bitterness  he  felt  be- 
cause of  his  party's  failure,  supplied  him  with  inspiration 
for  his  gloomy  narrative.  He  wrote  in  the  reign  of  Trajan, 
when  the  empire  was  at  the  height  of  prosperity,  the  hap- 
piest age  in  ancient  history  ;  and  yet  he  ignored  the  blessings 
the  imperial  government  had  brought  the  provinces.  To 
most  critics  his  chief  merit  lies  in  his  dramatic  portrayal 
of  character ;  but  his  prejudice  led  him  unconsciously  to 
invent  bad  motives  even  for  the  best  acts  of  the  emperors, 
especially  of  Tiberius.  His  characters,  however  vivid  and 
self-consistent,  are  the  product  of  his  gloomy,  bitter  imagi- 
nation. Valuable  as  his  work  is  to  one  who  can  distinguish 
between  fact  and  fancy,  it  is  as  much  satire  as  history. 

Like  the  historian,  Juvenal,  author  of  Satires,  was  power- 
ful and  dramatic.  With  the  inspiration  of  wrath  and  in 
the  spirit  of  Tacitus,  he  looked  back  to  the  society  of  Rome 
under  Nero  and  Domitian  to  find  in  it  nothing  but  hideous 
vice.  The  pictures  drawn  by  the  historian  are  grand  and 
fascinating ;  those  of  the  satirist  repel  us  by  their  ugliness  ; 
the  works  of  both  masters  are  unreal. 

When  Rome  renounced  the  republic,  so  far  as  to  consider 
her  emperors  good,  she  lost  her  motive  for  literary  art.  Her 
writers  became  shallow  and  insipid,  without  thought  or 
imagination,  who  could  only  repeat  what  they  had  read. 
The  best  of  this  class  was  Pliny  the  Younger,  an  orator, 
and  for  a  time  governor  of  Bithynia.  One  of  his  speeches, 
a  eulogy  on  Trajan,  which  has  come  down  to  us,  is  an 
example  of  the  tiresome,  feeble  style  of  the  day.  His 
Letters,  polished  yet  trivial,  are  valuable  for  the  study  of 


%*■ 


Late  Greek  Writers 


x3 


the  times.  Less  praise  belongs  to  Suetonius,  Hadrian's 
secretary,  whose  Lives  of  the  Ceesars  f  rom  Julius  to  Domitian 
is  a  mixture  of  useful  facts  and  foolish  gossip.  We  should 
constantly  bear  in  mind  that  the  worth  of  an  author  as  an 
historical  source  is  totally  distinct  from  his  literary  merit, 
and  that  often  writers  who  seem  to  be  wholly  devoid  of 
historical  sense  supply  us  with  most  valuable  information. 
This  is  true  not  only  of  Suetonius  but  of  a  younger  con- 
temporary, Aulus  Gellius,  whose  Attic  Nights  is  a  store- 
house of  knowledge  of  "  archaic  literature  and  language, 
law  and  philosophy  and  natural  science."  The  title  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  compilation  of  the  work  occupied  the 
author's  evenings  during  a  winter  spent  in  Athens. 

A  revival  of  Hellenic  literature  under  the  "  Good  Em- 
perors "  produced  some  authors  of  unusual  merit.  Appian 
of  Alexandria  wrote  a  narrative  History  of  Rome.  It  is  true 
that  he  was  uncritical,  yet  this  may  be  said  of  nearly  every 
other  ancient  historian.  Large  parts  of  his  work  have  come 
down  to  us,  and  are  valuable.  At  about  the  same  time 
"  Plutarch  wrote  his  immortal  Lives,  perhaps  the  most 
widely  read  and  permanently  attractive  work  by  one 
author  known  to  the  world."  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  he, 
too,  lacked  the  training  and  the  critical  judgment  of  the 
historian,  his  biographies  are  among  the  most  instructive 
sources  for  the  persons  and  events  of  which  they  treat. 
Somewhat  later  lived  Dio  Cassius  of  Bithynia,  who  be- 
came a  Roman  senator,  and  held  the  office  of  praetor 
under  the  emperor  Pertinax.  He  composed  in  Greek  a 
History  of  Rome,  in  eighty  books,  extending  from  the  earli- 
est times  to  229  a.d.  Though  the  style  is  rhetorical,  his 
work  shows  remarkable  insight  and  judgment.  We  have 
books  xxxvi-liv  entire,  with  fragments  and  abridgments 
of  the  rest. 

Several  minor  sources  deserve  briefer  mention.  Florus, 
whose  time  and  country  are  unknown,  composed  in  a  highly 
rhetorical  style  an  Epitome  of  Roman  History  from  the 


Suetonius. 


Teuffel  and 
Schwabe, 
Roman  Lit- 
erature, ii.  p. 
233- 


Appian  and 
Plutarch. 


Murray,  An- 
cient Greek 
Literature, 
P-  395  f- 


Dio  Cassius. 
Rome,  p.  268. 


Minor 
sources. 


H 


Introduction  to  the  Sources 


Rome,  pp. 
278, 281 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, pp.  420, 
422. 


Inscriptions 
and  build- 
ings. 


founding  of  the  city  to  the  beginning  of  the  empire.  At 
the  request  of  Valens,  Eutropius  wrote  a  dry  Compendium 
of  Roman  History  to  the  accession  of  his  patron  —  364  a.d. 
Aurelius  Victor,  who  lived  in  the  fourth  century  a.d.,  is 
said  to  have  composed  the  Origin  of  the  Roman  Nation; 
On  the  Illustrious  Men  of  the  City  of  Rome  ;  The  Cozsars, 
brief  biographies  of  the  emperors  from  Augustus  to  Con- 
stantius  ;  Life  and  Character  of  the  Roman  Emperors,  from 
Augustus  to  Theodosius.  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
all  these  works  are  not  by  the  same  hand.  The  six 
authors  of  the  Augustan  History  —  the  lives  of  the  emper- 
ors from  Hadrian  to  Numerianus,  117-284  a.d.  —  wrote 
under  Diocletian  and  Constantine,  and  dedicated  their 
biographies  to  the  one  or  the  other  of  these  emperors. 
Spartianus  was  the  author  of  the  life  of  Hadrian,  and 
Capitolinus  of  .the  lives  of  Antoninus  Pius  and  Marcus 
Aurelius.  This  work,  however  devoid  of  literary  merit, 
is  a  trustworthy  and  a  highly  important  source.  Lastly 
may  be  mentioned  Eusebius,  bishop  of  Cesarea,  a  zealous 
Christian  and  prolific  author.  His  Ecclesiastical  History, 
in  ten  books,  gives  much  useful  information  concerning 
the  early  Christians  and  their  relations  with  the  empire. 

Inscriptions,  too,  form  an  exceedingly  valuable  source. 
Almost  wholly  wanting  in  the  regal  period  and  in  the 
early  republic,  they  grow  abundant  toward  the  end  of  the 
republican  period ;  and  for  the  administration  of  the  em- 
pire they  furnish  the  most  precious  information.  For  a 
full  and  accurate  appreciation  of  Roman  history,  the  pub- 
lic works  should  also  be  studied. 


The  form  of 
Italy. 

Polybius  ii. 
14. 


II.     Italy  and  Her  People 

Italy  as  a  whole  is  a  triangle,  of  which  the  eastern  side 
is  bounded  by  the  Ionian  Sea  and  the  Adriatic  Gulf,  the 
southern  and  western  sides  by  the  Sicilian  and  Tyrrhenian 
(or  Tuscan)  seas.     These  two  sides  converge  to  form  the 


The  Valley  of  the  Po  1 5 

apex  of  the  triangle.  .  .  .  The  third  side,  or  base,  of  this 
triangle  is  on  the  north,  and  is  formed  by  the  chain  of  the 
Alps,  which  stretches  across  the  country  from  Marseilles 
and  the  Sardinian  Sea,  with  no  break,  nearly  to  the  head 
of  the  Adriatic  Sea. 

To  the  south  of  this  range,  which  I  said  we  must  re-  The  valley 
gard  as  the  base  of  the  triangle,  are  the  most  northerly  ofthePo- 
plains  of  Italy,  the  largest  and  most  fertile,  so  far  as  I 
know,  in  all  Europe.     This  is  the  district  with  which  we 
are  at  present  concerned. 

It  is  a  superb  plain  variegated  with  fruitful  hills.     The   Strabo  v.  1. 
Po  divides  it  almost  through  the  midst ;  one  side  is  called  4' 
Cispadana,  and  the  other  Transpadana.     Cispadana  in- 
cludes the  part  next  to  the  Apennines,  together  with  Ligu- 
ria ;    and    Transpadana    includes    the    remainder.      The 
Ligurians  of  the   mountains   and  the  Celts  of  the  plain    (Or  Gauls.) 
occupy  Cispadana ;  the  Celts  and  the  Venetians  inhabit 
the  other  division. 

All  Transpadana  is  full  of  rivers  and  marshes,  espe-  ib.  v.  1. 5. 
cially  the  district  of  the  Venetians,  which  is  also  washed 
by  the  tides  of  the  sea.  This  is  almost  the  only  part  of 
our  sea  (the  Mediterranean)  which,  like  the  ocean,  has 
ebb  and  flow  tides.  Hence  most  of  the  plain  is  covered 
with  lagoons.  After  the  manner  of  Lower  Egypt,  the 
inhabitants  have  dug  canals  and  dikes,  so  that  part  of  the 
country  is  drained  and  cultivated,  and  the  rest  is  navi- 
gable. Some  of  their  cities  stand  in  the  midst  of  water 
like  islands,  others  are  only  partially  surrounded.  Such 
as  lie  above  the  marshes  in  the  interior  are  situated  on 
rivers  navigable  for  a  surprising  distance,  for  instance  the 
Po,  which  is  a  large  river,  constantly  swelled  by  rains  and 
snows.  As  it  expands  into  numerous  outlets,  its  mouth 
cannot  easily  be  seen  and  is  difficult  to  enter.  But  expe- 
rience surmounts  even  the  greatest  obstacles. 

The  fertility  of  the  Po  valley  is  proved  by  its  population,   xhe  prod- 
the  size  of  the  cities,  and  its  wealth ;  in  all  these  respects  ucts* 


i6 


Italy  and  Her  People 


Strabo  v.  i. 

13. 


The  Gauls ; 
their  appear- 
ance. 

Diodorus  v. 
28. 


the  Romans  of  this  country  surpass  the  rest  of  Italy.  The 
cultivated  land  produces  fruits  in  abundance  and  of  every 
kind,  and  the  woods  contain  so  great  a  quantity  of  mast 
that  Rome  is  supplied  chiefly  from  the  swine  fed  there. 
As  it  is  well  watered,  it  produces  millet  to  perfection.  This 
condition  affords  the  greatest  security  against  famine,  as 
millet  resists  every  severity  of  climate,  and  never  fails 
even  when  other  grains  are  scarce.  The  pitch  works  are 
amazing,  and  the  casks  prove  the  abundance  of  wine ; 
for  the  casks,  formed  of  wood,  are  larger  than  houses,  and 
the  great  supply  of  pitch  makes  them  inexpensive. 

The  soft  wool,  which  is  by  far  the  best,  is  produced  in 
the  country  round  Mutina  (modern  Modena)  and  the 
Scultanna  River.  The  coarse  wool,  on  the  other  hand, 
which  forms  the  main  article  of  clothing  among  the  Italian 
slaves,  is  grown  in  Liguria  and  the  country  of  the  Symbri. 
A  medium  kind,  grown  about  Patavium  (modern  Padua), 
is  used  for  the  finer  carpets,  cassocks,  and  everything  else 
of  the  same  sort  with  the  wool  on  one  or  both  sides.  The 
mines  are  not  now  worked  so  diligently,  because  they  are 
not  equally  profitable  with  those  of  Transalpine  Gaul  and 
Iberia. 

The  Gauls  are  tall  and  fair ;  they  have  naturally  red  hair, 
which  they  try  to  make  redder  by  art.  They  often  wash 
it  in  water  boiled  with  lime,  and  turn  it  back  from  the  fore- 
head to  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  from  there  to  their  necks, 
that  their  faces  may  be  more  fully  seen  ;  so  that  they  look 
like  satyrs  and  hobgoblins.  By  this  treatment  they  make 
their  hair  as  hard  as  a  horse's  mane.  Some  of  them  shave 
their  beards  ;  others  let  them  grow  a  little.  The  nobles 
shave  their  chins  close  but  let  their  mustaches  fall  so  low 
as  to  cover  their  mouths.  ...  At  meal  time  they  all  sit, 
not  on  seats  but  on  the  ground,  and  instead  of  carpets  they 
spread  wolves'  or  dogs'  skins  under  them.  Young  boys  and 
girls,  who  are  mere  children,  wait  on  them. 

Near  at  hand  on  their  hearths  are  their  fires  well  furnished 


The  Gauls 


17 


with  pots  and  spits  full  of  the  whole  joints  of  meat ;  and   Great  meat- 
by  way  of  honor  and  regard,  the  best  and  fairest  joints   eaters- 
they  set  before  their  leading  men,  just  as  Homer  introduces 
the  Grecian  captains  entertaining  Ajax,  when  he  returned 
victor  from  his  single  combat  with  Hector.      The  verse 
reads  — 

But  Agamemnon,  as  a  favoring  sign, 
Before  great  Ajax  set  the  lusty  chine. 


They  invite  strangers,  too,  to  their  feasts,  and  after  all  They  are  ex- 
is  over  they  ask  who  they  are  and  what  is  their  business.   jJ^Jr' 
In  the  very  midst  of  feasting,  on  any  trivial  occasion,  it  is 
a  common  custom  for  them  to  rise  in  anger,  and  without 
any  regard  for  their  lives,  to  begin  fighting  with   their 
swords.     For  the  opinion  of  Pythagoras  prevails  among    Greece,  p.  95. 
them,  that  men's  souls  are  immortal,  and  that  there  is  a 
transmigration  of  them  into  other  bodies,  and  after  a  cer- 
tain time  they  live  again.  .  .  . 

In  their  journeys  and  fights  they  use  chariots  drawn  by 
two  horses,  which  carry  a  driver  and  a  soldier  ;  and  when 
they  meet  horsemen  in  battle,  they  fall  upon  their  enemies 
with  their  javelins  ;  then  quitting  their  chariots,  they  come 
to  close  quarters  with  their  swords.  Some  of  them  so 
despise  death  that  they  fight  naked,  with  only  their  loins 
covered.  .  .  . 

To  their  servants  they  deliver  the  spoils  of  war,  all  be- 
smeared with  blood,  to  be  carried  before  them  in  triumph  ; 
they  themselves  in  the  procession  sing  the  hymn  of  victory. 
As  the  chief  of  their  spoils  they  fasten  their  slain  enemies 
over  the  doors  of  their  houses,  as  if  they  were  so  many 
wild  beasts  taken  in  hunting.  The  heads  of  the  leading 
men  among  their  enemies  they  carefully  deposit  in  chests, 
embalming  them  with  the  oil  of  cedar,  and  showing  them  to 
strangers,  while  they  glory  and  boast  that  their  forefathers, 
their  fathers,  or  they  themselves  have  refused  to  accept 
large  sums  of  money  offered  for  these  trophies.  .  .  . 


The  spoils  of 
war. 


i8 


Italy  and  Her   People 


The  women 
and  children. 

Diodorus  v. 
32. 

The  Etrus- 
cans. 

Polybius  ii. 

17. 

(Phlegraean, 

"Volcanic," 

from  the  fact 

that  the  soil 

contained 

much 

volcanic 

matter.) 

Their  power. 


Diodorus  v. 
40. 


Their  learn- 
ing. 

(To  the  time 
of  Diodorus ; 
p.  8.) 


Their  garments  are  peculiar ;  they  wear  gayly  colored 
cloaks,  interwoven  with  various  kinds  of  flowers,  and  they 
have  a  sort  of  hose  which  they  call  trowsers.  Their  cas- 
socks they  make  of  basket-work  joined  together  with  laces 
on  the  inside,  and  checkered  with  many  pieces  of  designs 
in  flowers.  Those  they  wear  in  winter  are  thicker ;  those 
in  summer  thinner.  .  .  . 

The  women  are  as  tall  and  as  courageous  as  the  men. 
Most  of  the  children,  from  their  very  birth,  are  gray- 
haired  ;  but  when  they  grow  up  to  men's  estate,  the  color 
of  their  hair  becomes  like  that  of  their  parents. 

These  plains  (of  the  Po)  were  anciently  inhabited  by  the 
Etruscans,  who  at  the  same  time  occupied  the  Phlegraean 
plains  round  Capua  and  Nola ;  the  two  places  last  men- 
tioned have  been  most  celebrated,  because  they  were  visited 
by  many  people,  and  so  became  known.  In  speaking  then 
of  the  Etruscan  empire,  we  should  not  refer  to  the  district 
occupied  by  them  at  the  present  time,  but  to  these  northern 
plains,  and  to  what  they  did  when  they  lived  there. 

In  ancient  times  they  were  valiant,  and  enjoyed  a  large 
country,  and  built  many  famous  cities.  With  their  great 
navy  they  were  masters  of  the  sea  which  washes  the  west 
coast  of  Italy,  and  which  they  called  Tyrrhenian  (or  Tuscan), 
after  their  own  name.  As  one  of  their  military  equipments 
they  had  invented  a  most  useful  instrument  of  war,  —  the 
trumpet,  which  from  them  is  called  Tyrrhena.  To  the 
generals  of  their  army  they  gave  as  badges  of  honor  an 
ivory  throne  and  a  purple  robe.  They  invented  porticoes 
for  their  houses,  to  avoid  the  trouble  and  noise  of  a  crowd 
of  servants,  and  other  hangers-on.  Introducing  these 
customs  into  their  commonwealth,  the  Romans  greatly 
improved  them. 

The  Etruscans  gave  themselves  up  to  learning,  especially 
to  the  study  of  nature.  In  these  researches  they  were  espe- 
cially anxious  to  discover  the  meaning  of  thunder  and  light- 
ning.    To  this  day,  therefore,  they  are  admired  by  princes 


The  Etruscans  19 

the  world  over,  who  employ  their  soothsayers  in  inter- 
preting the  supernatural  effects  of  thunder. 

They  enjoy  a  very  rich  country,  well  tilled  and  improved ;   Their  lux- 
and  so  reap  abundance  of  all  sorts  of  fruits,  not  only  for   ury" 
necessary  food  but  for  pleasure  and  delight. 

They  have  their  tables  spread  twice  a  day,  furnished 
with  every  variety  of  food,  even  to  luxury  and  excess. 

Their  carpets  are  interwoven  with  flower  designs,  and 
they  use  a  great  many  silver  cups  of  many  forms.  Of 
household  servants  they  have  a  large  number,  some  very 
beautiful,  others  rich  in  apparel,  above  the  condition  of 
servants.  Slaves  and  freemen  alike  have  several  apart- 
ments allowed  them,  completely  furnished  and  adorned. 

Finally  the  Etruscans  threw  off  their  primitive  sobriety, 
and  now  live  an  idle,  profligate  life  in  riot  and  drunken- 
ness. There  is  no  wonder  then  that  they  have  lost  the 
honor  and  reputation  their  fathers  gained  through  warlike 
achievements. 

While  they  were  under  one  authority,  they  flourished ;   Their 
but  after  a  time  as  their  confederacy  was  broken  and  the         lne' 
cities  fell  away  from  one   another,  they  yielded   to  the  Strabov-2-2< 
violence   of  neighboring  tribes.      Otherwise   they  would 
never  have  abandoned  a  fertile  country  for  a  life  of  piracy 
on  the  sea,  to  rove  from  one  ocean  to  another ;  for  when 
united,  they  were  able  not  only  to  repel  those  who  assailed 
them,  but  to  act  on  the  offensive   and   undertake  long 
campaigns. 

The  whole  of  Latium  is  fertile,  and  abounds  in  every  Latium. 
product ;  we  should  except  a  few  districts  along  the  coast,  Strabo  v.  3. 5. 
which  are  marshy  and  unhealthful.  .  .  .  Some  parts 
also  may  be  too  mountainous  ;  yet  even  these  regions  are 
not  absolutely  idle  and  useless,  for  they  furnish  abundant 
pasturage,  wood,  and  the  peculiar  products  of  marsh  and 
rock.  For  instance  Caecubum,  wholly  a  marsh,  nourishes  a 
vine,  which  produces  excellent  wine. 

One  of  the  maritime  cities  of  Latium  is  Ostia.     It  has  Ostia. 


20  Italy  and  Her  People 

no  port  because  of  the  accumulation  of  silt  brought  down 

by  the  Tiber,  which  is  swelled  by  many  rivers.     Vessels 

therefore  come  to  anchor  further  out,  and  yet  with  some 

danger.     Gain,  however,  overcomes  everything ;  for  there 

are  many  lighters  in  readiness  to  freight  and  unfreight  the 

larger  ships  before  they  approach  the  mouth  of  the  river, 

to  enable  them  to  finish  their  voyage  speedily.     Lightened 

of  a  part  of  their  cargo,  they  enter  the  river  and  sail  up  to 

isAabout*6oo   ^ome'  a  distance  of  a  hundred  and  ninety  stadia.     Such 

feet.)  is  the  city  of  Ostia  founded  by  Ancus  Marcius. 

Antium.  Next  in  order  is  Antium,  which  is  likewise  destitute  of  a 

harbor.     It  is  situated  on  some  rocks  about  two  hundred 

and  sixty  stadia  from  Ostia.     At  present  it  is  devoted  to 

the  leisure  and  recreation  of  statesmen ;  there  they  rest 

from  their  political  duties  whenever  they  can  find  time. 

The  country  is  therefore  covered  with  sumptuous  mansions 

suited  to  such  rusticating.    Once  the  people  of  Antium  had 

a  navy ;  and  after  their  city  fell  under  the  power  of  Rome, 

some  of  them  joined  the  Etruscan  pirates. 

iEneas  They  say  that  .^Eneas,  with  his  father  Anchises  and  his 

comes  to        son  Ascanius,  arrived  at  Laurentum,  near  Ostia  and  the 

strabo  v     2    bank  °^  ^e  Tiber,  where  he  built  a  city  about  twenty-four 

Rome,  p.  17;   stadia  from  the  sea.     Latinus,  king  of  the  Aborigines,  who 

tory^p'a6sS~  tnen  dwelt  on  *ne  s^te  where  Rome  now  stands,  employed 

his  forces  to  aid  ^Eneas  against  the  neighboring  Rutulians, 

who  inhabited  Ardea,  a  city  a  hundred  and  sixty  stadia 

from  Rome.     After  gaining  the  victory,  Latinus  built  near 

(Lavinium.      the  spot  a  city  which  he  named  after  his  daughter  Lavinia. 

P-46.)  gut  m  a  seconcj  battle,  begun  by  the  Rutulians,  Latinus 

fell,  and   yEneas,  winning  the  victory,  succeeded  to  the 

throne.      He  named  his  subjects  Latins.      After  he  and 

his  father  had  died,  Ascanius  founded  Alba  on  the  Alban 

Mount,  about  as  far  from  Rome  as  is  Ardea.     Here  the 

Romans  and  the  Latins  jointly  offer  sacrifice  to  Jupiter. 

The  magistrates  all  assemble,  and  during  the  festival  the 

government  of  the  city  is  intrusted  to  some  distinguished 


impi 


Rome  21 

youth.     The  story  of  Amulius  and  his  brother  Numitor,   P.  29. 
partly  fictitious  and  in  part  seemingly  true,  belongs  to  a 
period  four  hundred  years  later. 

In  the  interior  the  first  city  above  Ostia  is  Rome  —  the  Rome, 
only  city  built  on  the  Tiber.  Its  position  was  fixed  by  Strabov.3.7. 
necessity  rather  than  choice.  We  may  add  that  those  who 
afterward  enlarged  it  were  not  at  liberty  to  select  a  better 
site,  as  they  were  prevented  by  what  was  already  built. 
.  .  .  It  seems  to  me  that  the  first  founders  were  of  the 
opinion,  in  regard  to  themselves  and  their  successors,  that 
the  Romans  had  to  depend  not  on  fortifications  but  on  arms 
and  valor,  for  safety  and  wealth,  and  that  walls  were  not  a 
defence  to  men,  but  men  were  a  defence  to  walls.  At  the 
time  of  its  founding,  when  the  large  and  fertile  districts 
about  the  city  belonged  to  others,  and  while  it  lay  easily 
open  to  assault,  there  was  nothing  in  its  position  which 
could  be  looked  upon  as  favorable  ;  but  when  by  valor  and 
labor  these  districts  became  its  own,  there  succeeded  a 
tide  of  prosperity  which  surpassed  the  advantages  of  every 
other  place. 

Notwithstanding  the  prodigious  increase  of  the  city,  Her  build- 
there  has  been  plenty  of  food,  and  of  wood  and  stone  for  ings- 
ceaseless  building,  made  necessary  by  the  falling  down  of 
houses,  by  fires,  and  by  sales,  which  seem  never  to  cease. 
These  sales  are  a  kind  of  voluntary  destruction  of  houses ; 
each  owner  tears  down  and  rebuilds  one  part  or  another 
according  to  his  own  taste.  For  these  purposes  the  many 
quarries,  the  forests,  and  the  rivers  which  convey  the 
materials,  offer  wonderful  facilities.  .  .  . 

To  avert  from  the  city  damages  of  the  kind  referred  to, 
Augustus  Caesar  instituted  a  company  of  freedmen  to  lend 
assistance  at  fires ;  and  to  prevent  the  falling  of  houses, 
he  decreed  that  new  buildings  should  not  be  carried  so 
high  as  formerly,  and  that  those  erected  along  the  public 
streets  should  not  exceed  seventy  feet  in  height.  These 
improvements  must  have  ceased,  had  it  not  been  for  the 


22 


Italy  and  Her  People 


Strabo 
ii. 


facilities  afforded  by  the  quarries,  the  forests,  and  the  ease 
of  transportation. 

Praeneste.  At  Praeneste  is  the  celebrated   temple   and   oracle  of 

Fortuna.  This  city  and  Tibur  are  on  the  same  mountain 
v.  3.  chain,  and  are  a  hundred  stadia  apart.  Praeneste  is  two 
hundred  stadia  from  Rome ;  Tibur  is  nearer.  It  is  said 
that  both  were  founded  by  Greeks,  and  the  name  of 
Praeneste  used  to  be  Polystephanus  ("  the  city  of  many 
crowns  ").  Both  are  fortified  ;  but  Praeneste  is  the  stronger, 
as  its  citadel  is  a  lofty  mountain  which  overhangs  the  town, 
and  is  divided  from  the  adjoining  range  by  a  neck  of  lower 
ground.  In  direct  altitude  the  mountain  is  two  stadia 
higher  than  the  neck.  In  addition  to  these  natural  de- 
fences, the  city  is  supplied  on  all  sides  with  underground 
passages,  which  extend  to  the  plain ;  some  convey  water, 
the  others  form  secret  ways. 

Next  in  order  after  Latium  is  Campania,  which  extends 
along  the  Tuscan  Sea.  .  .  .  This  plain  is  fertile  above 
all  others,  and  is  entirely  surrounded  by  fruitful  hills  and 
the  Samnite  and  Oscan  mountains. 

The  plains  about  Capua  are  the  best  in  Italy  for  fertility 
and  beauty  and  nearness  to  the  sea,  and  for  the  harbors, 
into  which  run. the  merchants  who  are  sailing  to  Italy  from 
all  parts  of  the  world.  They  contain,  too,  the  most  famous 
and  beautiful  cities  of  Italy.  ...  In  the  centre  of  these 
plains  lies  the  richest  of  all  the  cities,  —  Capua.  No  tale 
in  all  mythology  wears  a  greater  appearance  of  probability 
than  that  which  is  told  of  these  lowlands,  which  like  others 

P.  18.  of  remarkable  beauty  are  called  the  Phlegraean  plains  ;  for 

surely  none  are  more  likely  for  beauty  and  fertility  to  have 
been  contended  for  by  the  gods. 

In  addition  to  these  advantages,  they  are  strongly 
sheltered  by  nature  and  difficult  of  approach ;  for  one 
side  is  protected  by  the  sea,  and  the  rest  by  a  long 
high  chain  of  mountains,  through  which  lead  but  three 
passes  from   the  interior,  all  narrow  and  difficult,  —  one 


Campania. 
Strabo  v.  4. 3. 


Polybius  iii. 
91. 


The  Samnites  23 

from  Samnium  (a  second  from  Latium),  and  a  third  from 
Hirpini. 

One  proof  of  the  fertility  of  this  country  is  that  it  pro-  Strabov.4.3. 
duces  the  finest  corn.  I  refer  to  the  grain  from  which  a 
groat  is  made  superior  to  all  kinds  of  rice,  and  to  almost 
all  other  farinaceous  food.  They  say  that  some  of  the 
plains  are  bearing  crops  all  the  year  round,  —  two  crops 
of  rye,  a  third  of  panic,  and  sometimes  a  fourth  of  vege- 
tables. From  there,  too,  the  Romans  procure  their  finest 
wines.  .  .  .  Furthermore,  the  whole  country  round  Vena- 
frum,  and  bordering  the  plains,  is  rich  in  olives. 

The  following  tradition  concerns  the  origin  of  the  Sam-  The  Sam- 
nites.     The    Sabines,  engaged   in  a  long  war  with   the  JiViacred 
Umbrians,  made  a  vow,  common  Math  some  of  the  Greek  Spring, 
nations,  that  they  would  consecrate  to  the  gods  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  year  (or  more  accurately,  of  the  spring).     As   Strabo  v.  4. 
they  were  successful,  they  sacrificed  one  kind  of  product   I2* 
(their  animals)  and  consecrated  the  other  (fruit).      In   a 
time  of  scarcity,  however,  some  one  remarked  that  they 
ought  to  have  consecrated  their  children  as  well.     This   Rome,  p.  3. 
then  they  did ;  and  the  children  born  in  that  period  were 
called  sons  of  Mars.     When  they  had  grown  to  manhood,    (These  colo- 
they  were  sent  forth,  with   a  bull  as  leader,  to  found  a  "anecTsam- 

Colony.  nites.     The 

The  bull  lay  down  to  rest  in  a  place  belonging  to  the  eluded  Ae™" 
Opici,  a  people  who  lived  in  villages.     These  inhabitants  Sabines  and 

■       ««•■!  r  1  •   1 ,       ,  »  1.  1      1    1  alltheircolo- 

the  Sabines  drove  out,  after  which  they  established  them-  nists.) 
selves  in  the  place.  By  the  direction  of  the  seers  they 
sacrificed  the  bull  to  Mars.  It  seems  to  have  been  with 
reference  to  this  custom  of  the  Sacred  Spring  that  the 
Sabine  parents  called  their  colonists  by  the  diminutive 
form  "  Sabellians."  .  .  . 

Among  the   Samnites   is  a  law,  in  itself  excellent  and   An  excellent 
calculated  to  stimulate  virtue.     It  is  not  lawful  for  fathers   custom- 
to  give  away  their  daughters  to  whomsoever  they  please ; 
but  every  year  ten  of  the  most  virtuous  young  women  and 


24 


Italy  and  Her  People 


(Other  Sam- 
nite  customs, 
P.  74) 

Summary  of 
Italy. 

Strabo  vii.  4. 
1. 


ten  of  the  most  virtuous  young  men  are  selected ;  they 
then  marry  the  most  excellent  young  man  to  the  most 
excellent  young  woman,  the  second  to  the  second,  and  so 
in  order.  Should  he  who  receives  such  a  reward  change 
and  become  wicked,  he  is  dishonored,  and  his  wife  is 
taken  away  from  him. 

Such  is  Italy,  as  we  have  described  it.  We  will  now 
summarize  the  qualities  which  have  helped  raise  the 
Romans  to  so  great  a  height  of  prosperity.  One  point  is 
its  insular  position,  by  which  it  is  securely  guarded ;  for 
the  seas  form  a  natural  protection  round  it,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  short  frontier,  which  too  is  fortified  by  almost 
impassable  mountains.  A  second  is  that  the  harbors, 
though  few,  are  capacious  and  admirably  situated.  They 
are  of  great  service  for  enterprises  against  foreign  places, 
for  defence  against  invasions,  and  for  the  reception  of 
abundant  merchandise.  A  third  advantage  is  the  climate, 
in  which  animals  and  plants  may  be  accommodated  with 
every  variety  of  mild  and  severe  temperature.  In  length 
it  extends  north  and  south ;  Sicily,  a  large  island,  we 
must  consider  an  addition  to  it.  .  .  . 

Situated  as  it  is  between  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold, 
and  having  such  a  length,  it  enjoys  a  great  variety  of 
temperate  climate.  This  advantage  is  increased  by  an- 
other feature ;  the  Apennines  extend  through  its  whole 
length,  and  leave  on  each  side  plains  and  fruitful  hills ; 
so  that  there  is  no  district  which  does  not  enjoy  the  best 
products  of  both  hill  and  plain. 

We  must  notice,  too,  the  number  and  size  of  its  rivers 
and  lakes,  and  the  springs  of  hot  and  cold  waters  supplied 
by  nature  in  various  localities  for  the  restoration  of  health, 
and  in  addition  the  great  wealth  in  mines  of  all  the  metals, 
the  abundance  of  timber  and  of  excellent  food  for  man 
and  for  beasts  of  all  kinds.  Situated,  too,  in  the  midst 
of  the  greatest  nations,  —  which  include  Greece  and  the 
best  provinces  of  Asia,  —  Italy  is  naturally  in  a  position 


Sicily  25 

to  gain  the  ascendency ;  for  she  excels  the  surrounding 
countries  in  the  valor  of  her  people  as  well  as  in  extent 
of  territory ;  and  by  her  nearness  to  them  she  seems  to 
have  been  ordained  to  bring  them  into  subjection  without 
difficulty. 

In   Sicily,  they  say,  are   mountains  called   Heraea,   so  Sicily, 
pleasant  in  situation,  and  of  so  sweet  an  air,  that  no  bet-  Diodorus  iv. 
ter  place  can  be  found  for  recreation  in  summer-time  ;  for  84< 
there  are  many  springs  of  sweet  water,  shaded  with  trees 
of  all  sorts.     There  are  woods  of  tall,  stately  oaks,  which 
bear  acorns  of  a  vast  size,  twice  as  many  and  twice  as  big 
as  in  any  other  part  of  the  world. 

There  likewise  grow  abundant  roots  and  herbs,  wild 
vines  and  an  unspeakable  number  of  melons  ;  so  that  once 
a  Carthaginian  army,  when  on  the  point  of  starvation,  was 
there  refreshed  and  saved  ;  and  though  so  many  thousands 
were  then  fed,  plenty  remained  in  the  mountains  still. 

The  Sicilians  say  this  island  is  dedicated  to  Ceres  and   Sicilian 
Proserpine.     Some  poets  assert  that  at  the  marriage  of  myth' 
Pluto  and  Proserpine,  Jupiter  gave  the  island  as  a  present   Ha^and 
to  the  bride.     The  most  approved  authors,  however,  say   Persephone; 
that  the  Sicilians  were  the  earliest  human  inhabitants  and      regce>V'92-> 
possessors,  and  that  the  goddesses  we  have  named  first 
appeared  on  earth  in  this  place  ;  and  that  from  the  fatness   Diodorus  v. 
of  the  soil  corn  first  grew  there  of  itself,  —  a  fact  which   2' 
the  most  eminent  of  the  poets  confirms  in  these  words : 

Within  this  island  all  things  grow 

Without  the  help  of  seed  or  plough, 

As  wheat  and  barley,  with  the  vine, 

From  whence  proceed  both  grapes  and  wine, 

Which  with  sweet  showers  from  above 

Are  brought  to  ripeness  by  great  Jove. 

For  in  the  country  of  Leontini,  and  in  many  other  parts 
of  Sicily,  wild  wheat  grows  to  this  very  day.  .  .  . 

The   abduction   of  Proserpine,   they   say,   was   in   the   lb.  v.  3. 
meadow  of  Enna,  not  far  from  the  city,  in  a  place  clad  in 


26 


Italy  and  Her   People 


Corsica. 
Diodorus  v. 
13- 

lb.  v.  14. 


Sardinia. 
Diodorus  v. 
15. 


violets  and  all  sorts  of  flowers,  which  afforded  a  most  beau- 
tiful and  pleasant  sight.  It  is  said  that  the  fragrance  of 
the  flowers  robs  hunting  dogs  of  their  scent,  so  as  to  make 
them  incapable  of  following  their  prey. 

There  is  another  island  called  by  the  Greeks  Cyrnus, 
and  by  the  Romans  and  natives  Corsica.  ...  It  is  easy 
of  access  and  has  a  large,  beautiful  harbor. 

The  inhabitants  feed  upon  honey  and  meat,  which  this 
country  produces  plentifully.  The  natives  excel  all  other 
barbarians  in  justice  and  humanity  toward  one  another ; 
for  when  any  one  finds  honey  in  a  hollow  tree  in  the  moun- 
tains, it  is  without  dispute  his  who  finds  it.  All  the  sheep 
have  their  owner's  mark  set  on  them,  and  this  sign  secures 
the  property  to  their  masters,  though  no  shepherd  looks 
after  them.  And  in  all  the  associations  of  life,  every  one, 
in  his  own  station,  observes  the  rules  of  common  right 
and  justice.  .  .  . 

In  the  island  grow  many  remarkable  box-trees,  which 
give  the  bitter  taste  to  their  honey.  The  language  of  the 
barbarian  inhabitants  is  strange  and  difficult  to  learn. 
The  population  numbers  above  thirty  thousand. 

Next  to  Corsica  lies  Sardinia,  an  island  as  large  as 
Sicily.  It  is  inhabited  by  barbarians  called  Iolsei,  de- 
scended, as  they  suppose,  from  Iolaus  and  his  fellow-colo- 
nists. .  .  .  Their  captain,  Iolaus,  the  nephew  of  Hercules 
on  his  brother's  side,  took  possession  of  the  island,  and 
built  on  it  several  famous  cities.  After  dividing  the 
country  by  lot  among  his  people,  he  gave  them  his  own 
name.  Then  he  built  public  schools,  temples,  and  other 
useful  public  works,  which  remain  to  this  day  as  monu- 
ments of  their  founder.  .  .  . 

The  oracle  foretold  that  if  the  colonists  bore  his  name, 
they  should  be  able  to  maintain  their  freedom  forever ;  and 
accordingly  their  laws  and  government  have  continued  firm 
and  unshaken  to  this  day.  For  though  the  Carthaginians, 
in  the  height  of  their  power,  took  the  island,  they  could 


The  Greatness  of  Rome  27 

not  enslave  the  people ;  for  the  Iolsei  fled  to  the  moun- 
tains, and  dug  underground  homes,  and  kept  many  herds 
and  flocks  of  cattle,  which  afforded  them  enough  milk, 
cheese,  and  meat  for  food.  In  leaving  the  plain,  they  freed 
themselves  from  the  toil  of  ploughing  and  tilling  the 
ground,  and  lived  at  ease  in  the  mountains,  content  with 
a  mean  and  moderate  fare.  .  .  .  And  lastly  the  Romans, 
after  mastering  the  island,  have  often  attempted  to  reduce 
the  people  by  force  of  arms  ;  but  for  the  reason  here  given, 
they  have  never  succeeded. 

(After  making  themselves  supreme  in  Italy,  the  Romans  The  great- 
conquered  Sicily,  then  Sardinia  and  Corsica.  Afterward  Rome° 
the  whole  Mediterranean  region  fell  rapidly  under  their 
sway.)  Rome  is  now  mistress  of  every  accessible  country ;  Dionysius  i. 
every  sea  owns  her  power.  She  is  the  first  and  only  state  3* 
recorded  in  history  which  ever  made  the  East  and  West 
the  boundaries  of  her  empire.  And  her  dominion  has  not 
been  of  short  duration,  but  more  lasting  than  that  of  any 
other  commonwealth  or  kingdom.  For  after  the  city  had 
been  founded,  she  conquered  many  warlike  nations,  her 
neighbors,  and  still  advanced,  overcoming  all  opposition. 
...  By  the  conquest  of  all  Italy,  she  was  emboldened  to 
proceed  even  to  universal  empire  ;  and  having  driven  the 
Carthaginians  from  off  the  sea,  whose  maritime  strength 
was  superior  to  all  others,  she  subdued  Macedon,  the  most 
powerful  nation  by  land  till  that  time ;  and  as  no  enemj 
was  left  either  among  the  Greeks  or  the  barbarians,  she  is 
mistress  of  the  whole  world.  .  .  .  There  is  no  nation  that 
claims  a  share  in  her  universal  power,  or  refuses  obedience 
to  it.  But  I  need  say  no  more  to  prove  that  I  have  not 
made  choice  of  a  petty  subject,  or  proposed  to  relate  triv- 
ial or  obscure  actions,  but  have  undertaken  the  history  of 
the  most  illustrious  state  and  of  the  most  brilliant  achieve- 
ments that  can  possibly  be  treated. 


28  Italy  and   Her  People 


STUDIES 

1.  Could  the  founders  of  Rome  read  and  write  ?  Why  could  the 
later  Romans  know  nothing  of  the  founding  of  their  city  ?  From 
whom  did  the  Romans  receive  the  alphabet  ? 

2.  Which  are  the  more  reliable  sources,  treaties  or  oral  traditions  ? 
the  pontifical  annals  or  the  family  chronicles  ?  political  orations  or 
funeral  orations  ?     Give  reasons. 

3.  Why  do  we  consider  Fabius  Pictor  rather  than  Naevius  the  first 
historian  ?  What  are  the  good  qualities  of  Polybius  as  an  historian  ? 
Why  did  not  the  Roman  historians  imitate  Polybius  ? 

4.  What  is  the  difference  between  an  historian  and  an  annalist  ? 

5.  Why  do  we  class  Caesar  among  the  historians  ? 

6.  What  useful  historical  information  may  we  obtain  from  the  orators 
and  the  poets  ? 

7.  What  part  of  Livy's  narrative  of  the  kings  is  trustworthy  ?  what 
part  of  his  narrative  of  the  republic  before  the  Punic  Wars  ?  Why 
is  the  remainder  of  his  history  more  trustworthy  ?  In  what  respect 
has  a  contemporary  writer  the  advantage  of  later  writers  ?  In  what 
respect  is  he  at  a  disadvantage  ? 

8.  What  are  the  merits  of  Tacitus  as  an  historian  ?  What  are  his 
defects  ? 

9.  What  is  the  form  of  Italy?  Describe  the  valley  of  the  Po  River. 
What  did  that  region  produce  ? 

10.  Describe  the  Gauls.  Where  did  they  live  ?  What  did  they  do 
with  the  spoils  of  war  ?  Describe  their  women  and  children.  Who 
was  Pythagoras  ? 

11.  Where  did  the  Etruscans  live  (map,  Rome,  p.  5  ;  Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  257)?  Describe  them.  What  did  the  Romans  borrow  from 
them  ?     Why  did  they  decline  ? 

12.  Describe  (from  the  maps,  Rome,  pp.  I,  41 ;  Ancient  History,  pp. 
255»  283)  the  location  of  the  Po  River,  the  Apennine  Mountains,  Rome, 
Ostia,  Antium,  Tibur,  Praeneste,  Latium,  Campania,  Cumae,  Lavinium, 
Tuscan  (or  Tyrrhenian)  Sea. 

13.  What  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  situation  had  Rome  ? 

14.  Describe  the  Sacred  Spring.  What  other  "  excellent  "  custom 
had  the  Samnites  ? 

15.  Summarize  the  good  qualities  of  Italy. 

16.  Which  is  the  more  desirable  country,  Sicily  or  Italy  ?  Compare 
Sardinia  and  Corsica  with  Sicily. 


CHAPTER    II 


The  Seven  Kings  —  The  Prehistoric  Age 


753  (?)-5°9B.c. 

The  royal  power  of  ^Eneas  at  Alba  Longa  was  handed 
down  through  several  generations  to  two  brothers,  Numitor 
and  Amulius.  Amulius  offered  his  brother  the  choice 
between  the  kingship  and  the  royal  treasure,  including 
the  gold  brought  from  Troy.  Numitor  chose  the  king- 
ship ;  but  Amulius,  who  now  possessed  all  the  treasure, 
and  thereby  more  power  than  his  brother,  easily  dethroned 
him.  And  as  he  feared  his  brother's  daughter  might  have 
children  who  would  avenge  their  grandfather,  Amulius 
made  her  a  priestess  of  Vesta,  sworn  to  live  unmarried 
all  her  days.  This  lady  is  called  by  some  Ilia,  by  others 
Rhea  or  Silvia. 

Though  a  Vestal,  she  bore  to  Mars  (god  of  war)  twin 
sons  of  remarkable  size  and  beauty.  .  .  .  But  neither 
gods  nor  men  protected  her  or  her  children  from  the  king's 
cruelty.  He  had  the  priestess  bound  and  imprisoned ; 
the  children  he  ordered  to  be  thrown  into  the  current  of 
the  river.  .  .  .  Then  his  servant  placed  the  infants  in  a 
cradle,  and  went  down  to  the  river  to  throw  them  in ;  but 
as  he  saw  it  running  strong  and  wild,  he  feared  to  come 
near.  So  laying  the  cradle  on  the  bank,  he  went  away. 
The  river  rose,  and  gently  floating  off  the  cradle,  carried 
it  down  to  a  soft  place  now  called  Cermalus.  ...  It  is  said 
that  while  the  infants  were  lying  in  this  place,  a  she-wolf 
nursed  them,  and  that  a  woodpecker  came  and  helped  feed 

29 


Numitor  and 
Amulius. 

Plutarch, 
Romulus,  3. 


P.  20. 


P.  41 ;  Rome, 
P-  29; 

Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  274. 

Romulus 
and  Remus. 

Livy  i.  4. 


Plutarch, 
Romulus,  3. 


(Near  the 
Palatine 
Mount.) 
lb.  4. 


The  Seven  Kings 


Rome,  p.  28 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  274. 

Their  educa- 
tion. 

Plutarch, 
Romulus,  6. 


Dionysius  i. 
79- 


They  plan  a 
colony. 

Plutarch, 
Romulus,  9. 


Livy  i.  6. 


them  and  watch  over  them.  These  animals  are  sacred  to  the 
god  Mars ;  and  the  Latins  reverence  and  worship  the 
woodpecker.  .  .  . 

Faustulus,  the  swineherd  of  Amulius,  found  the  chil- 
dren, but  kept  them  concealed  from  every  one,  though  some 
say  that  Numitor  knew  of  the  discovery,  and  shared  the 
expense  of  their  education.  They  were  sent  to  Gabii  to 
learn  their  letters  and  everything  else  that  well-born  chil- 
dren should  know  ;  and  they  were  named  Romulus  and 
Remus. 

When  they  came  to  be  men,  they  showed  themselves  in 
person  and  in  mind  unlike  swineherds,  but  like  sons  of 
kings  and  of  the  gods  ;  and  as  such  they  are  still  celebrated 
by  the  Romans  in  their  national  hymns.  Their  life,  how- 
ever, was  that  of  herdsmen  ;  they  supported  themselves  by 
their  own  work,  and  lived  on  the  hills  in  huts  made  of 
wood  and  reeds.  One,  called  the  hut  of  Romulus,  remains 
even  to  this  day  in  the  corner  of  the  road  from  the  Palatine 
Mount  to  the  Circus  (Maximus).  It  is  kept  holy  by  those 
who  have  charge  of  such  things  ;  they  add  to  it  no  orna- 
ments to  render  it  more  august ;  but  if  any  part  of  it  is 
injured  either  by  storms  or  by  time,  they  repair  the  dam- 
age, and  try  to  restore  it  as  nearly  as  possible  to  the  origi- 
nal condition. 

(When  Romulus  and  Remus  had  grown  to  manhood, 
they  killed  Amulius  and  replaced  Numitor,  their  grand- 
father, on  the  throne.)  Not  wishing,  however,  to  live  at 
Alba  as  subjects,  or  to  reign  there  during  the  life  of  their 
grandfather,  they  left  him  the  kingship ;  and  after  provid- 
ing for  their  mother,  they  planned  to  dwell  by  themselves 
and  to  found  a  city  in  the  place  where  they  had  been 
reared. 

But  the  desire  to  be  sole  ruler  interrupted  their  plans  and 
provoked  them  to  a  shameful  quarrel.  As  they  were  twins 
and  neither  could  claim  the  rights  of  an  elder  brother,  they 
finally  agreed  to  leave  it  to  the  guardian  gods  of  the  place  to 


*S0* 


Plutarch, 
Romulus,  g. 


The  Founding  of  Rome  31 

choose  by  augury1  which  should  give  his  name  to  the  new 
city  and  govern  it  when  built.  Romulus  chose  the  Palatine 
Mount,  and  Remus  the  Aventine,  as  posts  of  observation. 

The  story  is  that  six  vultures  appeared  to  Remus,  and  The  found- 
afterward  twice    as    many  to  Romulus.      Some  say  that  mg  of  Rome" 
Remus  really  saw  his   vultures,  but   that    Romulus   pre- 
tended only  to  have  seen  them.  .  .  .     When  Remus  dis- 
covered the  deceit,  he  was  very  angry,  and  while  Romulus 
was  digging  a  trench  round  the  city,  the  brother  jeered  at 
the  work  and  hindered  it.     At  last  as  he  jumped  over  (the  lb.  10. 
new-built  wall),  either  Romulus  or  a  companion  struck  him 
dead. 

Soon  after  founding  their  city,  the  Romans  made  it  a  lb.  9. 
sacred  refuge  for  people  in  distress,  receiving  into  it  all 
sorts  of  persons.  They  refused  to  give  up  slaves  to  their 
masters,  debtors  to  their  creditors,  or  murderers  to  their 
judges,  but  declared  that  in  accordance  with  a  Pythian 
oracle  2  the  sanctuary  was  free  to  all ;  so  that  the  city  soon 
became  full  of  men,  for  they  say  that  at  first  it  contained 
no  more  than  a  thousand  houses. 

Romulus 

Appointed  king,  Romulus   proved   himself  brave   and  The  tribes 
skilful  in  war  and  wise  in  the  adoption  of  a  most  excellent  curiee?6 
form  of  government.     He  divided  the  whole  population   Djonysius  ii# 
into  three  parts,  each  of  which  he  placed  under  the  com-  7-14 . 
mand  of  a  distinguished  person.      Then  dividing  these  ge 

parts  into  ten  companies,  he  appointed  the  bravest  men 
to  be  their  leaders.  The  larger  divisions  he  calls  tribes, 
and  the  smaller  curia.  The  leaders  of  the  tribes  were 
tribunes  ;  those  of  the  curiae  were  curiones. 

1  Augury  was  the  process  of  learning  the  divine  will  by  watching  the  signs 
sent  by  the  gods.  The  augurs  were  the  religious  officials  who  attended  to 
this  service ;    see  Rome,  p.  29 ;  Ancient  History,  p.  275. 

2  That  is,  an  oracle,  or  prophecy,  of  the  Pythian  or  Delphic  Apollo ;  see 
Greece,  p.  99. 


32 


The  Seven  Kings 


The  social 
ranks. 


The  patrons 
and  the 
clients. 


(Dionysius 
is  probably 
wrong  in  as- 
suming that 
all  plebeians 
became  cli- 
ents.) 


Another  division  of  the  population  he  made  on  the 
principle  of  honor  and  worth.  Those  who,  illustrious 
by  birth  and  commended  for  their  virtue,  were  well-to- 
do  and  had  children,  he  separated  from  the  ignoble 
and  base  and  needy.  Those  of  inferior  fortune  he  called 
plebeians;  the  better  class  he  named  patres  (fathers) 
because  they  were  older  than  the  rest,  or  because  they 
had  children,  or  on  account  of  their  illustrious  birth,  or 
for  all  these  reasons.  Their  descendants  were  called 
patricians.  Whenever  the  king  wished  to  bring  the 
patricians  together,  his  heralds  used  to  summon  them 
by  their  own  name  and  that  of  the  father ;  but  the  com- 
mon people  were  called  to  the  assembly  by  servants,  who 
went  about  trumpeting  on  ox-horns. 

After  Romulus  had  distinguished  the  nobles  from  the 
commons,  he  passed  laws  to  regulate  the  duties  of  each 
rank.  The  nobles  were  to  be  priests,  magistrates,  and 
judges,  and  were  to  help  him  manage  the  affairs  of  the 
city.  The  commons  he  excused  from  this  business,  for 
they  had  neither  experience  in  such  matters  nor  leisure  to 
attend  to  them.  They  were  to  farm,  to  rear  cattle,  and  to 
carry  on  the  money-making  industries,  that  they  might  have 
no  time  for  party  strife,  such  as  we  find  in  other  cities, 
where  those  in  office  abuse  the  lower  classes,  and  the  base 
and  needy  envy  the  richer  citizens. 

Placing  the  plebeians  as  a  trust  in  the  hands  of  the  patri- 
cians, he  permitted  each  commoner  to  choose  as  patron  the 
noble  whom  he  wished.  The  patrons  were  to  explain  the 
laws  to  their  clients,  who  were  ignorant  of  such  matters, 
and  to  watch  over  their  business  affairs  as  a  father  does 
for  his  children,  to  sue  for  them  when  they  were  unjustly 
treated,  and  to  defend  them  when  sued.  The  clients  were 
to  contribute  to  the  dowry  of  their  patron's  daughters,  to 
furnish  the  ransom  in  case  the  patron  or  his  son  should  be 
taken  captive,  to  pay  their  lord's  fines,  and  to  bear  part 
of  the  expenses  of  the  offices  he  held,  that  he  might  per- 


Government  and  Religion  33 

form  his  public  duties  with  becoming  dignity.  It  was  im-  (We  infer 
pious  for  patron  and  client  to  accuse  each  other  or  to  cijgVts'had 
testify  or  vote  against  each  other.  a  right  to 

After  making  these  arrangements,  Romulus  resolved  to  vote'^ 
appoint  councillors  who  were  to  help  him  manage  the  gov-  and  the*  e 
ernment.    For  this  purpose  he  selected  a  hundred  men  from  assembly, 
the  patricians,  and  called   this  council   the  senate.     He 
made  also  an  assembly  of  commons,  to  which  he  granted    (The  comitia 
three  powers,  —  the  election  of  magistrates,  the  ratification   curiata-) 
of  laws,  and  the  decision  of  questions  of  war  and  peace. 
The   resolutions  of  the  assembly,  however,  had  no  force 
unless  the  senate  approved  them. 

The  most  effective  of  all  the  arrangements  of  Romulus  —  The  liber- 
the  one  which  did  most  not  only  to  maintain  the  freedom   j^Se 
of  Rome,  but  also  to  win  for  her  the  supremacy  over  other  toward 
states — was  the  law  which  bade  the  Romans  not  to  mas-  s  rangers\. 
sacre  or  enslave  conquered  peoples  or  to  lay  waste  their   i6!°nysa 
land,  but  to  settle  part   of   the  conquered  territory  with 
Roman   citizens,   to  found    colonies   in    some  conquered 
towns,  and  to  give  others  the  Roman  citizenship.     The 
kings  who  followed  him,  and  still  later  the  annual  magis- 
trates (consuls),  carried  out  his  liberal  policy  to  such  an 
extent  that  in  time  the  Roman  nation  came  to  excel  all 
others  in  population. 

The  care  of  religion  he  intrusted  to  many  persons.      In   Religion, 
no  other  newly  built  city  could  be  found  so  many  priests  and 
attendants  of  the  gods.  .  .  .     Each  curia  elected  two  men   Dionysius  ii. 
above  fifty  years  of  age,  of  noble  birth,  of  good  character  21, 
and  sufficient  wealth,  and  of  sound  body,  to  act  as  priests 
for  the  remainder  of  their  lives,  exempt  from  military  and 
political  duties.     And  as  it  was  necessary  that  the  women 
and  the  children  should  have  some  part  in  performing  re- 
ligious rites,  Romulus  enacted  that  the  wives  of  priests 
should  assist  their  husbands  in  religious  services,  and  that 
the  women  and  children  should  attend  to  those  ceremonies 
which  could  not  lawfully  be  performed  by  men. 


34 


The  Seven   Kings 


Ml 

fail 


the  father. 

Dionysius  ii. 
26. 


Rome,  p.  73 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  301. 


(The   consul 
who  put  his 
son  to  death 
for  disobedi- 
ence; p.  74.) 

Dionysius  ii. 
27. 


The  Romans 
need  wives. 

Livy  i.  9. 


Romulus  gave  the  father  absolute,  lifelong  power  over 
the  son,  including  the  right  to  scourge  him,  to  bind  him  and 
compel  him  thus  to  toil  in  the  fields,  or  to  put  him  to  death, 
even  if  the  son  chanced  to  be  engaged  in  public  affairs, 
even  if  he  were  occupying  high  offices  or  were  being  com- 
mended for  his  public  liberality.  According  to  this  law, 
illustrious  men,  while  delivering  from  the  rostra  harangues 
against  the  senate  but  in  favor  of  the  people,  men  who  for 
this  reason  were  highly  popular,  have  been  dragged  from 
the  rostra  by  their  fathers  to  suffer  whatever  punishment 
the  latter  should  think  right.  And  while  these  sons  were 
led  away  through  the  market-place,  no  one  was  able  to  res- 
cue them  —  neither  the  consul,  nor  tribune  of  the  plebs,  nor 
the  mob  whom  they  were  flattering,  and  who  considered  its 
own  power  superior  to  all  authority.  I  will  not  mention 
those  whom  fathers  have  slain,  good  men  moved  by  virtue 
and  zeal  to  achieve  some  noble  deed  forbidden  by  their 
parent.  Such  was  the  case  with  Manlius  Torquatus  and 
many  others,  in  regard  to  whom  I  shall  speak  at  the  proper 
time. 

The  Roman  legislator  did  not  limit  the  father's  authority 
at  this  point,  but  gave  him  permission  to  sell  the  son  .  .  . 
granting  to  the  father  more  power  over  the  son  than  to  the 
master  over  his  slaves  ;  for  if  a  slave  is  sold  and  afterward 
given  his  liberty,  henceforth  he  remains  free,  whereas  if 
the  son  is  sold  by  the  father  and  then  liberated,  he  falls 
again  under  the  paternal  power,  and  a  second  time  in  like 
manner  ;  not  till  after  the  third  sale  does  he  become  free 
from  his  father. 

And  now  the  Roman  state  had  grown  so  powerful  that 
in  war  it  was  a  match  for  any  of  the  neighboring  nations, 
but  from  the  scarcity  of  women  its  greatness  could  last 
for  one  generation  only.  ...  By  the  advice  of  the  fathers 
(senators),  therefore,  Romulus  sent  ambassadors  to  the 
neighboring  states  to  ask  for  an  alliance  and  the  privilege 
of  intermarriage  for  his  new  subjects.  .  .  . 


The  Sabine  Women 


35 


Nowhere  did  the  embassy  receive  a  favorable  hearing, 
so  much  did  the  neighbors  despise  them ;  at  the  same 
time  the  surrounding  nations  feared,  for  themselves  and 
their  posterity,  this  mighty  power  which  was  growing  up 
in  their  midst.  The  messengers  were  dismissed  by  the 
greater  number  of  states  with  the  repeated  question, 
"  Have  you  opened  a  place  of  refuge  for  women  also  ? 
For  such  an  institution  only  could  obtain  you  suitable 
matches."  The  Roman  youth  resented  this  reply  bitterly, 
and  the  matter  began  unquestionably  to  point  to  violence. 
To  afford  a  favorable  time  and  place  for  the  use  of  force, 
Romulus,  hiding  his  resentment,  prepared  games  in  honor 
of  the  equestrian  Neptune.  These  games  he  called  Con- 
sualia.  He  then  gave  orders  that  the  show  should  be 
advertised  among  the  neighbors.  Meanwhile  the  Romans 
were  preparing  for  the  celebration  with  all  the  magnifi- 
cence they  were  then  acquainted  with,  that  they  might 
make  the  event  famous.  Great  numbers,  especially  of  the 
nearest  neighbors,  assembled  from  a  desire  to  see  the  new 
city.  Moreover  the  whole  multitude  of  the  Sabines  came 
with  their  wives  and  children.  They  were  hospitably 
received  in  the  different  houses  ;  and  when  they  had  seen 
the  location,  the  fortifications,  and  the  city  itself  crowded 
with  houses,  they  were  astonished  that  the  Roman  power 
had  increased  so  rapidly.  The  time  of  the  show  came, 
and  while  the  minds  and  the  eyes  of  the  visitors  were 
intent  upon  it,  according  to  agreement  a  tumult  arose, 
and  at  a  given  signal  the  Roman  youth  ran  different 
ways  to  carry  off  the  maidens  by  force.  A  great  number 
were  taken  at  haphazard,  just  as  they  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Romans.  .  .  . 

As  the  festival  was  broken  up  by  this  alarm,  the  parents 
of  the  young  women  retired  in  grief,  complaining  that  the 
sacred  law  of  hospitality  had  been  trampled  upon,  and 
invoking  the  god  to  whose  festival  and  games  they  had 
come,  deceived  by  the  pretence  of  religion  and  good  faith. 


Their  neigh- 
bors refuse 
inter- 
marriage. 


(God  of  the 
sea,  and  of 
horses.) 


The  Sabine 
maidens  are 
taken  by 
force. 


36 


The  Seven  Kings 


They  be- 
come the 
wives  of 
the  cap- 
tors. 


Tarpeia  be- 
trays the 
citadel. 


(God  of  the 
forest.) 


Propertius  v. 
4- 


(The  yard  in 
which  stood 
the  curia,  or 
senate- 
house.) 


Neither  had  the  captive  maidens  better  hopes  or  less 
indignation.  But  Romulus  went  personally  about  and 
declared  that  what  was  done  was  owing  to  the  pride  of 
their  fathers,  who  had  refused  to  grant  the  privilege 
of  marriage  to  their  neighbors.  "  The  young  women, 
however,"  he  continued,  "  shall  be  joined  in  lawful  wed- 
lock ;  they  shall  participate  in  all  the  property  and  in  the 
civil  privileges  of  their  husbands  and  in  their  common 
children  —  a  possession  most  dear  to  the  human  heart." 
He  begged  them  to  calm  their  fierce  anger,  and  cheerfully 
yield  their  affections  to  those  to  whom  fortune  had  given 
their  persons.  "  From  injuries,"  he  explained,  "  love  and 
friendship  often  arise ;  and  you  will  find  us  kinder  hus- 
bands for  this  reason,  that  each  of  us  will  endeavor  to  the 
utmost  of  our  power  to  make  up  for  the  want  of  your 
parents  and  native  country."  To  this  plea  the  caresses 
of  the  husbands  were  added,  excusing  what  they  had  done 
on  the  ground  of  passion  and  love  —  arguments  which 
work  most  successfully  on  women's  hearts. 

(Between  Rome  and  the  neighboring  states  arose  a  fierce 
war,  in  the  course  of  which  Tarpeia,  a  Roman  maiden, 
betrayed  the  Capitoline  citadel  to  Titus  Tatius,  king  of  the 
Sabines.) 

Tarpeia's  grove,  Tarpeia's  shame  I'll  tell, 
And  all  the  tale  how  Jove's  old  fortress  fell. 
Wall'd  round  with  ivy  crags  a  wood  there  lay, 
Where  whispering  leaves  the  murm'ring  rills  repay, 
Silvanus'  home  —  and  from  the  sultry  air 
His  pipe  oft  called  the  flocks  to  watering  there. 
But  Tatius  now  had  staked  the  fount  around, 
And  ringed  his  camp  for  safety  with  a  mound. 
Where  then  was  Rome  what  time  the  trumpet-swell 
Awoke  the  echoes  of  Jove's  rocky  dell  ? 
And  Sabine  arms  were  piled,  and  flags  unfurl'd, 
Where  sits  that  senate  now  that  rules  the  world  ? 
Rome's  only  wall  was  hill,  one  lonely  spring 
The  war-horse  drank,  where  now's  the  Curian  ring  ; 
And  with  the  pitcher  poised  upon  her  hair, 
Tarpeia  fill'd  it  oft  for  Vesta  there. 


Tarpeia  37 


Ah !  holy  goddess,  could  one  death  alone 
For  false  betrayal  of  thy  hearth  atone  ? 
Oft  Tatius  on  the  plain  the  maid  had  seen, 
His  sword  bright  flashing  to  the  helmet's  sheen  ; 
Had  marked  his  regal  port,  his  arms  of  gold, 
And  dropped  the  urn  her  hands  forgot  to  hold. 
Then  would  she  chide  the  moon,  whose  harmless  beam 
Oft  gave  pretence  for  washing  in  the  stream, 
And  buy  with  lily  flowers  the  wood-nymphs'  grace, 
Lest  Roman  spear  should  mar  her  loved  one's  face. 
Oft  would  she  climb  the  hill  at  misty  morn, 
Her  arms  all  bleeding,  and  with  brambles  torn, 
And  o'er  her  love  in  Jove's  own  house  would  wail, 
To  ears  that  ill  could  brook  so  foul  a  tale. 
"Ah,  watchful  fires,  dear  tent  where  Tatius  lies, 
Ye  Sabine  arms,  so  beauteous  to  my  eyes, 
Would  heaven  I  might  with  you  a  captive  dwell, 
Only  to  gaze  on  one  I  love  so  well  ! 
Farewell  to  Rome  ;   farewell  Rome's  mountain  wall, 
And  Vesta's  hearth  dishonored  by  my  fall  !  " 
******** 

It  chanced  that  day  completed  stood  the  wall, 
'Twas  Pales'  festival,  and  idlesse  all,  (Goddess  of 

The  yearly  holiday,  where  shepherds  meet,  s  eP  erds0 

And  store  of  rustic  dainties  chokes  the  street, 
While  staggering  clowns  through  heaps  of  lighted  hay 
In  drunken  revel  take  their  grimy  way. 

The  guards  at  ease  obey'd  their  chieftain's  will, 
The  trumpet  slept  awhile,  the  lines  were  still. 
Tarpeia  marked  the  moment,  met  the  foe, 
With  plighted  word  herself  the  path  to  show  ; 
Slow  up  the  slumb'ring  hill  they  wound  their  way, 
The  slaughter'd  watch-dog  call'd  them  not  to  stay  : 
All,  all  was  hushed  in  sleep,  great  Jove  alone 
Kept  watchful  sentry  to  avenge  his  own. 
Her  sleeping  friends,  her  post  betray'd  had  she, 
And  asked  the  marriage  lot  she  claimed  for  fee ; 
But  Tatius,  grudging  guilt's  base  guerdon,  cried, 
"  Thus,  thus,  my  queen,  I  wed  thee  to  my  side." 
Crushed  deep  in  piles  of  armor  down  she  fell, 
A  dowry  that  beseem'd  the  traitress  well. 

The  mount  still  bears  Tarpeius'  name,  to  be 
A  guerdon  for  its  guard's  calamity. 


38 


The  Seven   Kings 


The  treaty.  (In  this  way  Tatius  gained  possession  of  the  citadel; 
but  when  soon  afterward  his  army  met  the  Romans  in 
battle  in  the  valley  afterward  occupied  by  the  Forum,  the 
captive  women  threw  themselves  between  the  opposing 
forces  and  put  an  end  to  the  war.) 
Plutarch,  In  conference  it  was  decided  that  those  women  who 

Romulus,  19.  ch0ge  to  do  so  might  continue  to  live  with  their  husbands, 
free  from  all  duties  except  the  work  of  spinning  wool ; 
that  the  Romans  and  the  Sabines  should  dwell  together 
in  the  city ;  and  that  the  city  should  be  called  Rome,  after 
Romulus,  but  the  Romans  should  be  called  Quirites  after 
(Cures),  the  native  city  of  Tatius;  and  that  both  kings 
should  reign  and  command  the  army  together. 

Romulus  was  dearer  to  the  people  than  to  the  fathers 
(senators)  ;  but  above  all  he  was  beloved  by  the  soldiers. 

While  he  was  holding  an  assembly  of  the  people  for  re- 
viewing his  army,  in  the  plain  near  the  lake  of  Capra, 
suddenly  a  storm,  arising  with  heavy  thunder  and  light- 
ning, enveloped  the  king  in  so  dense  a  mist  that  it  hid  him 
from  the  assembly.  After  this  he  was  no  more  seen  on 
earth.  .  .  .  But  while  the  state  was  still  troubled  with  re- 
gret for  the  king  .  .  .  Proculus  Julius  came  forward  in  the 
assembly  and  said,  "  Romulus,  the  father  of  this  city,  sud- 
denly descending  from  heaven,  appeared  to  me  this  morning 
at  daybreak.  While  I  stood  in  awe  and  religious  dread, 
beseeching  him  to  allow  me  to  see  him  face  to  face,  he 
said,  '  Go  tell  the  Romans  that  the  gods  so  will  that  my 
Rome  shall  become  the  capital  of  the  world.  Therefore 
let  them  cultivate  the  art  of  war,  and  let  them  know  and 
tell  their  children  that  no  human  power  shall  be  able  to 
withstand  the  Roman  arms.'  After  saying  this  he  ascended 
to  heaven."  It  is  surprising  what  credit  was  given  to  the 
man  on  making  this  announcement,  and  how  much  the 
regret  of  the  common  people  and  of  the  army  for  the  loss 
of  Romulus  was  calmed  by  the  assurance  of  his  immor- 
tality. 


Romulus 
ascends  to 
heaven. 

Livy  i.  15. 


lb.  16. 


Numa  39 

Many  such  improbable  tales  are  related  by  story-tellers   Plutarch, 
who  assume   that   the   earthly  parts   of   our   bodies   are   *emMlm<  * 
deified  along  with  the  spiritual  parts.     It  is  wicked  and 
base  to  deny  that  virtue  is  a  spiritual  quality,  but  foolish 
to  mix  earthly  with  heavenly  things.     Let  us  believe  with 
Pindar  that  — 

All  human  bodies  yield  to  death's  decree, 
The  soul  survives  to  all  eternity. 

It  was  in  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  thirty-   ib.  29. 
eighth  of  his  reign,  that  Romulus,  they  tell  us,  left  the 
world. 

Numa  Pompilius 

Numa  Pompilius  belonged  to  a  celebrated  Sabine  city  Character, 
named  Cures,  from  which  the  united  Romans  and  Sabines 
called  themselves  Quirites.     He  was  the  son  of  Pomponius,    piutarch, 
an  honorable  citizen,  and  was  the  youngest  of  four  brothers.   Numa>  3- 
By  a  wonderful  coincidence  he  was  born  on  the  very  day  on 
which  Romulus  founded  Rome  —  the  twenty-first  of  April. 
His  naturally  good  disposition  had  been  so  educated  by 
sorrow  and  philosophic  studies  that  he  rose  superior  not 
merely  to  commonplace  vices,  but  even  to  the  worship  of 
brute  force  —  so  common  among  barbarians  —  and  consid- 
ered true  courage  to  be  the  conquest  of  his  own  passions. 

It  was  in  Numa's  fortieth  year  that  envoys  came  from   lb.  5. 
Rome  to  ask  him  to  be  king.  ...    As  he  refused  the  offered 
crown,  the  Romans  used  every  kind  of  entreaty  to  induce 
him  to  accept  it,  begging  him  not  to  plunge  the  state  into  lb.  6. 
civil  war,  for  there  was  no  other  man  whom  all  would  agree 
to  receive  as  their  king. 

When  he  had  made  up  his  mind,  he  sacrificed  to  the 
gods,  and  then  started  for  Rome.  The  senate  and  people 
met  him  and  showed  great  affection  for  him  ;  the  matrons  lb.  7. 
greeted  him,  and  there  were  sacrifices  in  the  temples,  and 
every  one  was  as  joyous  as  if  he  had  received  a  kingdom 
instead  of  a  king. 


4o 


The  Seven  Kings 


His  religious 
institutions. 

Livy  i.  19. 


(Argiletum, 
a  piece  of 
ground  be- 
tween the 
Quirinal  and 
the  Forum.) 


He  encour- 
ages agri- 
culture. 

Plutarch, 
Numa,  16. 


He  organizes 
guilds. 

Plutarch, 
Numa,  17. 


After  Numa  had  been  made  king  in  this  way,  he  set 
about  founding  anew,  on  the  principles  of  law  and  morals, 
the  city  recently  established  by  force  of  arms.  When  he 
saw  that  the  spirit  of  the  citizens,  rendered  savage  by 
military  life,  could  not  be  reconciled  to  those  principles 
during  the  continuance  of  wars,  he  concluded  that  his 
fierce  nation  should  be  softened  by  the  disuse  of  arms. 
At  the  foot  of  Argiletum,  therefore,  he  erected  a  temple  of 
Janus  as  an  index  of  peace  and  war ;  when  open,  it  should 
show  that  the  state  was  engaged  in  war,  and  its  closing 
should  signify  that  all  the  neighboring  nations  were  at 
peace  with  Rome.  Twice  only  since  the  reign  of  Numa 
has  this  temple  been  closed. 

Though  the  city  possessed  originally  but  a  small  territory, 
Romulus  by  conquest  had  greatly  enlarged  it.  All  this 
acquired  land  Numa  distributed  among  the  needy  citizens, 
thereby  removing  from  them  the  want  which  urged  them 
to  deeds  of  violence  ;  and  by  turning  the  people's  thoughts 
to  husbandry,  he  caused  them  to  grow  more  civilized  as 
their  land  improved.  No  work  makes  people  such  pas- 
sionate lovers  of  peace  as  that  of  a  man  who  tills  his  own 
land ;  for  he  retains  enough  of  the  warlike  spirit  to  fight 
fiercely  in  defence  of  his  own  property,  but  has  lost  all 
desire  to  wrong  and  spoil  his  neighbors.  It  was  for  this 
reason  that  Numa  encouraged  agriculture  among  the  Ro- 
mans as  a  spell  to  charm  war  away ;  and  he  loved  the 
occupation  more  because  of  its  influence  on  men's  minds 
than  because  of  the  wealth  it  produced. 

He  organized  the  people,  according  to  their  trades,  in 
guilds  of  musicians,  goldsmiths,  builders,  dyers,  shoe- 
makers, curriers,  coppersmiths,  and  potters.  All  the 
other  trades  he  united  in  one  guild.  He  assigned  to 
every  guild  its  especial  privileges,  common  to  all  the  mem- 
bers, and  ordained  that  each  should  have  f!S  own  times 
of  meeting  and  should  worship  its  special  patron  god. 

Next  he  turned  his   attention   to  the  appointment  of 


The  Priest  of  Jupiter  41 

priests,  though  he  himself  performed  many  sacred  rites,   He  appoints 
especially  those  which  now  belong  to  the  flamen  (priest)  of  Priests- 
Jupiter.  Livyi.2o. 

It  is  a  crime  for  the  flamen  of  Jupiter  to  ride  horseback  The  priest 
or  to  see  the  centuries  under  arms ;  for  this  reason  he  has  °  JuPlter- 
rarely  been  elected  consul.     He  is  not  permitted  to  take  AulusGellius 
an  oath  ;  the  ring  he  wears  must  be  hollow  and  of  open  fro]^  p^us* 
work.     No  fire  may  be  carried  from  his  house  but  the   Pictor.) 
sacred  fire.     If  a  man  enters  that  house  bound,  he  must  Rome,  pp.22, 
be  unbound,  and  the  bonds  must  be  carried  through  the  ^s^cieni 
inner  court  up  the  roof  and  thrown  into  the  street.     The  271, 274. 
flamen  has  no  knot  about  him,  either  on  his  cap,  his  girdle, 
or  any  other  part.     If  a  man  who  is  about  to  be  beaten 
with  rods  falls  at  his  feet  as  a  suppliant,  the  guilty  one 
cannot  be  beaten  that  day  without  sacrilege.     None  but 
a  freeman  may  cut  a  flamen's  hair.     He  never  touches  or 
names  a  she-goat,  raw  flesh,  hair,  or  beans.     He  must  not 
clip  the  tendrils  of  the  vine  that  climbs  too  high.     The 
feet  of  the  bed  he  sleeps  in  must  be  plastered  with  mud. 
He  never  quits  it  three  consecutive  nights,  and  no  one 
else  has  the  right  to  sleep  therein.     There  must  not  be 
near  the  woodwork  of  his  bed  a  box  with  sacred  cakes  in 
it.     The  parings  of  his  nails  and  the  cuttings  of  his  hair 
are  covered  with  earth  at  the  foot  of  a  fruit  tree.     For  him 
all  days  are  holy  days.     He  is  not  allowed  to  go  into  the 
open  air  without  the  apex  (conical  cap)  ;  and  even  as  to 
remaining  bareheaded  under  his  own  roof,  the  pontiffs 
have  only  quite  recently  decided  that  he  may  do  so. 

Numa  also  selected  maidens  for  Vesta,  to  fill  a  priest-  The  Vestal 
hood  derived  from  Alba  and  closely  connected  with  the  vir£ins- 
family  of  the  founder  of  Rome.     That  they  might  be  con-   Llvy  *•  2a 
stant  attendants  in  the  temple,  he  appointed  them  salaries 
from  the  public  treasury;  and  by  requiring  them  to  re- 
main unmarried  and  to  perform  various  religious  rites,  he 
made  them  sacred  and  venerable. 

He  ordained  that  the  Vestal  virgins  should  continue 


42 


The  Seven  Kings 


Plutarch, 
lXuma  10. 


The  worship 
of  the  dead. 

Ovid,  Fasti, 
»•  533  ft 
(The  festival 
to  the  dead 
was  cele- 
brated on 
February 
19.    Styx,  the 
river  which 
bounds  the 
world  of  the 
dead.) 


(Because  the 
deaths  were 
so  numer- 
ous.) 


unmarried  thirty  years;  during  the  first  ten  years  they 
were  to  learn  their  duties,  during  the  next  ten  they  were 
to  perform  them,  and  during  the  last  they  were  to  teach 
others.  After  this  period  any  of  them  who  wished  might 
marry  and  cease  to  be  priestesses  ;  but  it  is  said  that  very 
few  took  advantage  of  this  privilege  and  that  those  few 
were  not  happy.  By  their  regrets  and  sorrow  for  the  life 
they  had  left,  they  made  the  others  scruple  to  leave  it  and 
prefer  to  remain  maidens  till  their  death. 

Honor  is  paid  also  to  the  graves  of  the  dead.  Appease 
the  spirits  of  your  forefathers,  and  offer  small  presents  to 
the  pyres  that  have  long  been  cold.  The  shades  of  the 
dead  ask  but  humble  offerings :  affection  rather  than 
costly  gifts  pleases  them  ;  Styx  below  has  no  greedy  divin- 
ities. Enough  for  them  is  the  covering  of  their  tomb 
overshadowed  with  the  chaplets  laid  there,  and  the  scat- 
tered fruits  and  the  little  grain  of  salt,  and  corn  soaked 
in  wine,  and  violets  loosened  from  the  stem ;  let  these 
gifts  be  placed  in  a  jar  in  the  middle  of  the  way.  I  do 
not  forbid  more  costly  offerings,  but  by  these  mentioned 
the  shade  may  be  appeased.  After  erecting  the  altars, 
add  prayers  and  suitable  words. 

This  custom  ^Eneas,  an  apt  teacher  of  the  duties  of 
affection,  introduced  into  thy  lands,  just  Latinus.  He 
used  to  offer  the  annual  gifts  to  the  spirit  of  his  father ; 
hence  the  adjoining  nations  learned  the  affectionate  cere- 
mony. But  at  one  time  when  they  were  engaged  in  a  long 
war,  with  contentious  arms,  they  neglected  the  Parental 
days.  It  was  not  with  impunity  that  they  did  so ;  for 
from  that  ill  omen,  Rome  felt  the  heat  of  the  funeral  fires 
in  the  suburbs.  For  my  part  I  scarcely  can  believe  it, 
but  it  is  said  that  their  deceased  forefathers  came  forth 
from  their  tombs,  and  uttered  their  complaints  in  the  hours 
of  the  still  night.  And  they  say  that  appalling  ghosts, 
a  phantom  crowd,  howled  through  the  city  and  the  fields 
of  Latium.     Afterward  the  omitted  honors  were  paid  at 


Festivals  43 

the  graves,  and  there  came  an  end  of  these  portentous 

sights  and  of  the  deaths  as  well. 

But  while  they  are  celebrating  these  rites,  remain  un-  "  Let  none 

wedded,  ye  maidens ;  let  the  torch  of  pine  wood  await  marry." 

auspicious  days.     And  let  not  the  curved  spear  part  thy    (The  pine 

virgin  ringlets,  thou  maiden  who  appearest  to  thy  impa-   carried  in  the 

patient  mother  already  of  marriageable  years.     Conceal   marriage 

thy  torches,  Hymenaeus,  and  remove  them  afar  from  these   The  parting 

dismal  fires,  —  the  gloomy  tombs  have  other  torches  than   °*  |he  nair 

_      *  ,  *   ,  1    «'•«»•       1  wltn  a  sPear 

these.     Let  the  gods,  too,  be  concealed,  with  the  doors  wasamar- 

of  their  temples  closed ;  be  the  fires  without  incense,  and  ™ao&e  cer^"_ 

let  the  hearths  stand  without  fire.     Abroad  now  wander  menseus  was 

phantom  spirits,  and  bodies  that  have  been  committed  to   marriage?) 

the  tombs.      Now  the  ghost  feeds  on  the  food  left  for 

it.  .  .  . 

The  kinsfolk,  full  of  affection,  have  named  the  next  day  TheCaristia. 
the  Caristia,  and  the  company  of  relatives  assemble  at  the 
family  feast.  In  good  truth  it  is  a  pleasant  thing  to  turn 
our  attention  from  the  tombs  and  from  our  relatives  who 
are  dead,  to  those  who  survive ;  and  after  so  many  are 
lost,  to  see  all  that  remains  of  our  family,  and  to  reckon 
the  degrees  of  relationship.  .  .  . 

When  the  night  has  passed  away,  then  let  the  god  who  The  festival 
by  his  landmark  divides  the  fields  be  worshipped  with  the  corner- 
accustomed  honors.     Terminus,  whether  thou  art  a  stone,   stones, 
or  whether  a  stock  sunk  deep  in  the  earth  by  the  ancients, 
yet  even  in  this  form  dost  thou  possess  divinity.     Thee 
the  two  owners  of   adjoining   fields  crown  with  chaplets 
from  their  opposite  sides,  and  present  with  two  garlands  and 
two  cakes.     They  build  an  altar  ;  the  peasant's  wife  brings 
in  a  broken  pan  the  fire  taken  from  the  burning  hearth. 

An  old  man  cuts  up  the  firewood,  and  piles  it  high  when 
chopped,  and  strives  hard  to  drive  the  branches  into  the 
resisting  ground.  While  he  is  exciting  the  kindling  blaze 
with  dried  bark,  a  boy  stands  by  and  holds  in  his  hands  a 
broad   basket.     Out  of  this,  when   the   father  has  thrice 


44 


The  Seven  Kings 


Peace  and 
happiness. 

Plutarch, 
Numa,  20. 


thrown  the  produce  of  the  earth  into  the  midst  of  the 
flames,  his  little  daughter  offers  the  sliced  honeycombs. 
Others  have  wine  ;  a  portion  of  each  thing  is  thrown  into 
the  fire  ;  the  crowd,  all  arrayed  in  white,  look  on  and  keep 
a  religious  silence.  Terminus  is  sprinkled,  too,  with  the 
blood  of  a  slain  lamb  ;  he  makes  no  complaint  when  a 
young  pig  is  offered  him.  The  neighbors  meet  in  suppli- 
cation, and  they  celebrate  the  feast  and  sing  thy  praise, 
holy  Terminus.  It  is  thou  that  dost  set  the  limits  to  na- 
tions, and  cities,  and  mighty  kingdoms ;  without  thee  the 
whole  country  would  be  steeped  in  litigation. 

Not  only  was  the  spirit  of  the  Romans  subdued  and 
pacified  by  the  gentle  and  just  character  of  their  king,  but 
even  the  neighboring  cities,  as  if  some  soothing,  healthful 
air  was  breathed  over  them  from  Rome,  altered  their 
habits,  and  longed  to  live  quiet  and  well-governed  lives, 
cultivating  the  earth,  bringing  up  their  families  in  peace, 
and  worshipping  the  gods.  Gay  festivals  and  entertain- 
ments, during  which  the  people  of  various  states  fearlessly 
mixed  with  one  another,  prevailed  throughout  Italy;  for 
Numa's  knowledge  of  all  that  was  good  and  noble  was 
shed  abroad  like  water  from  a  fountain,  and  the  atmosphere 
of  holy  calm  by  which  he  was  surrounded  spread  over  all 
men.  The  very  poets  when  they  spoke  of  that  peaceful 
time  were  unable  to  find  fitting  expressions  for  it,  as  one 
writes  — 

Across  the  shields  are  cobwebs  laid, 

Rust  eats  the  lance  and  keen-edged  blade; 

No  more  we  hear  the  trumpet's  bray, 

And  from  our  eyes  no  more  is  slumber  chased  away. 

lb.  21.  We  are  told  by  Piso  that  Numa  died,  not  by  a  sudden 

(Piso,  an         death  but  by  slow  decay  from  sheer  old  age,  after  living  a 

annalist  of         ,.,,,  ,,  •    1. 

the  time  of      little  more  than  eighty  years, 
the  Gracchi.) 


tf 


111. 


The  King's  Lan 

TULLUS    HOSTILIUS 

After  the  death  of  Numa  Pompilius  the  senate,  invested  Election, 
with  the  whole  power  of  the  state,  resolved  to  retain  the  Dionysius 
same  form  of  government  (the  kingship)  ;  and  as  the  people 
did  not  oppose  their  resolution,  they  appointed  some  of  the 
oldest  senators  to  govern,  as  interreges,  each  for  a  certain  Rome,  p.  26 ; 
number  of  days.  Under  them,  according  to  the  unanimous  jw'tj^?" 
wish  of  the  people,  Tullus  Hostilius  was  chosen  king.  .  .  . 

Immediately  upon  his  accession  he  gained  the  hearts  of  He  gives 
the  lowest  and  poorest  class  of  the  people  by  a  most  mag-  ^"dy*0  the 
nificent  deed.  The  kings  who  had  ruled  before  him  pos- 
sessed extensive  and  fertile  lands.  The  revenues  from 
them  not  only  supplied  the  kings  with  victims  for  sacrifices, 
but  plentifully  furnished  their  table.  These  lands  Romu- 
lus had  won  by  conquest  and  had  expelled  the  former 
owners.  As  he  died  without  children,  Numa  Pompilius, 
his  successor,  had  enjoyed  the  estates.  They  were  no 
longer  public  property  but  the  domains  of  the  king. 
These  lands  Tullus  caused  to  be  divided  equally  among 
such  of  the  Romans  as  had  none  ;  for  he  said  that  his  own 
patrimony  was  sufficient  both  for  the  sacrifices  and  for  the 
expense  of  his  table.  By  this  act  of  humanity  he  relieved 
the  poorer  class  and  freed  them  from  the  necessity  of 
being  servants  to  others.  And  that  none  might  want  a 
dwelling-place,  he  added  to  the  city  the  Cselian  Hill,  on 
which  those  Romans  who  lacked  dwellings  had  as  much 
ground  allotted  to  them  as  they  needed.  There  they  built 
houses  ;  and  he  himself  fixed  his  abode  in  that  place. 

Tullus  was  not  only  unlike  the  preceding  king,  but  was  His  war 
of  a  more  warlike  disposition  than  even  Romulus  had  been.   Longa^21 
.  .  .     Thinking  therefore  that  the  state  was  growing  weak  L-     j  22> 
through  quiet,  he  everywhere  sought  pretexts  for  stirring 
up  war.     It  happened  that  some  Roman  and  Alban  peas- 
ants had  plundered  each  other's  lands.  .  .  .     From  both 
sides  ambassadors  were  sent  almost  at  the  same  time  to 


46 


The  Seven  Kings 


The  charac- 
ter of  the 
war. 

Livy  i.  23. 


The  champi- 
ons. 

Livy  i.  24. 


The  contest. 

Livy  i.  25. 


demand  restitution.  Tullus  ordered  his  agents  to  attend 
to  nothing  before  their  instructions.  He  knew  well  that 
the  Albans  would  refuse,  and  that  for  this  reason  war 
might  be  proclaimed  on  just  grounds. 

Both  sides  prepared  for  the  struggle  with  the  utmost 
vigor.  It  was  very  like  a  civil  war  —  almost  a  war  between 
parents  and  children,  as  both  were  Trojan  offspring.  For 
from  Troy  came  Lavinium,  from  Lavinium  Alba,  and  the 
Romans  were  descended  from  the  line  of  Alban  kings. 
The  result  of  the  war,  however,  rendered  the  quarrel  less 
distressing,  for  no  battle  took  place  ;  but  merely  after  the 
houses  of  one  of  the  cities  had  been  torn  down,  the  two 
states  were  incorporated  into  one. 

It  happened  that  there  were  in  each  of  the  two  armies 
three  brothers  born  at  one  birth,  equal  in  age  and  in 
strength.  That  they  were  called  Horatii  and  Curiatii  is 
certain ;  nor  is  there  any  ancient  event  more  celebrated. 
Yet  in  a  matter  so  well  known  a  doubt  lingers  as  to  which 
nation  the  Horatii  and  to  which  the  Curiatii  belonged. 
Authors  claim  them  for  both  sides ;  yet  I  find  more  who 
call  the  Horatii  Romans.  My  inclination  leads  me  to 
follow  them.  Conferring  with  the  three  brothers,  the 
kings  bade  them  fight  with  their  swords,  each  for  his  own 
country,  telling  them  that  dominion  would  be  on  that  side 
with  which  victory  should  rest.  As  they  did  not  refuse, 
the  time  and  the  place  were  agreed  upon.  Before  they 
engaged,  a  treaty  was  made  between  the  Romans  and  the 
Albans  on  these  conditions,  that  the  state  whose  cham- 
pions should  win  the  combat  was  to  rule  the  other  without 
further  dispute. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  the  brothers,  as  had 
been  agreed,  took  arms.  To  encourage  them,  their 
respective  friends  reminded  them  that  their  country's  gods, 
their  fatherland,  and  parents,  all  their  countrymen  both  at 
home  and  in  the  army,  had  their  eyes  then  fixed  on  the 
arms  and  the  hands  of  the  champions.     Meanwhile  the 


Contest  with  Alba  Longa  47 

brothers,  naturally  brave  and  animated  by  the  encourage- 
ments of  their  friends,  were  advancing  into  the  space  be- 
tween the  two  lines.  The  armies  sat  down  before  their 
camps,  free  rather  from  present  danger  than  from  anxiety  ; 
for  the  sovereign  power  depended  on  the  valor  and  fortune 
of  these  few  champions.  Eager  and  anxious,  therefore, 
they  riveted  their  attention  upon  a  sight  by  no  means 
pleasing.  The  signal  was  given,  and  the  three  youths  on 
each  side  as  in  battle  array  rushed  furiously  to  the  charge, 
bearing  in  their  hearts  the  spirits  of  mighty  armies.  None 
regarded  his  personal  danger,  for  all  had  in  mind  the 
dominion  or  slavery  of  the  state  and  the  fortune  of  their 
country,  which  was  destined  thereafter  to  be  such  as  they 
should  now  make  it. 

As  soon  as  their  arms  clashed  on  the  first  encounter, 
and  their  burnished  swords  glittered,  great  fear  struck 
the  spectators ;  and  as  hope  inclined  to  neither  side,  the 
voice  and  breath  were  suspended.  When  the  champions 
engaged  hand  to  hand,  not  only  the  motions  of  their 
bodies,  the  rapid  darting  of  missiles  and  the  sword 
thrusts,  but  wounds  also  and  blood  were  seen.  Two  of 
the  Romans  fell  lifeless,  one  upon  the  other,  and  the 
three  Albans  were  wounded.  When  the  Alban  army 
raised  a  shout  of  joy  at  the  fall  of  their  foemen,  hope 
deserted  the  Roman  legions,  but  not  anxiety,  as  they  were 
alarmed  for  the  lot  of  the  one  whom  the  three  Curiatii 
threatened. 

He  chanced  to  be  unhurt,  so  that,  though  alone  he  was 
no  match  for  them  all  together,  he  was  confident  against 
each  singly.  In  order  therefore  to  separate  their  attack, 
he  took  to  flight,  presuming  that  they  would  pursue  him 
with  such  swiftness  as  their  wounded  bodies  should  per- 
mit. He  had  fled  some  distance  from  the  place  of 
combat,  when  on  looking  round  he  saw  them  chasing 
him  at  wide  intervals  from  one  another,  and  one  of  them 
not  far  behind.     On  the  nearest  one  he  turned  with  great 


48  The  Seven  Kings 

fury;  and  while  the  Alban  army  was  shouting  to  the 
Curiatii  to  assist  their  brother,  Horatius  after  slaying  his 
foe  proceeded  victorious  to  a  second  attack.  The  aston- 
ished Romans  encouraged  their  champion  with  a  shout, 
while  he  hastened  to  end  the  struggle.  Before  the  third 
Curiatius  could  reach  him,  though  near  at  hand,  Horatius 
despatched  the  second. 

In  this  way  the  contest  was  reduced  to  an  equality  of 
numbers,  one  to  each  side  ;  but  they  were  equal  neither 
in  hope  nor  in  strength.  The  one  unhurt  drew  from  his 
double  victory  courage  for  a  third  contest;  the  other, 
dragging  along  his  body,  weary  with  the  wound  and 
with  running,  and  dispirited  by  the  slaughter  of  his 
brothers  before  his  eyes,  presented  himself  to  his  vic- 
torious foe.  There  was  no  fight.  Exultingly  the  Roman 
said,  "  Two  I  have  offered  to  the  shades  of  my  brothers ; 
the  third  I  will  grant  to  the  cause  of  this  war,  that  the 
Roman  may  rule  over  the  Alban."  He  thrust  his  sword 
into  the  throat  of  his  foe,  who  was  with  difficulty  sustain- 
ing the  weight  of  his  armor.  The  victor  stripped  the 
enemy  as  he  lay  prostrate.  The  Romans  then  received 
Horatius  with  applause  and  congratulations ;  they  were 
all  the  more  delighted  because  success  had  followed  so 
close  upon  fear.  (Alba  Longa  was  then  destroyed  and 
the  inhabitants  were  removed  to  Rome  and  made  citizens.) 
The  growth  Meanwhile  Rome  was  enlarged  by  the  destruction  of 
of  Rome.  Alba  The  number  0f  citiZens  was  doubled ;  the  Caelian 
Livy  1. 30.  Mount  was  annexed  to  the  city ;  and  in  order  that  it 
might  be  more  thickly  peopled,  Tullus  chose  that  quarter 
for  his  palace  and  there  took  up  his  abode.  The  leading 
Albans  he  enrolled  among  the  fathers  (senators).  .  .  .  And 
as  a  consecrated  place  of  meeting  for  that  body  thus  in- 
creased by  him,  he  built  the  senate-house  which  down  to 
the  age  of  our  fathers  was  called  Hostilia.  And  that 
every  rank  might  acquire  some  additional  strength  from 
the  new  people,  he  formed  ten  troops  of  horsemen  from 


Growth  of  Rome  49 

among  the  Albans ;  he  likewise  recruited  the  old  legions 
and  added  new  ones. 

Tullus  reigned  two  and  thirty  years  with  great  military  lb.  31. 
renown. 

Ancus  Marcius 

On  the  death  of  Tullus  the  government  devolved  once  Election, 
more   upon   the   senate,    which   nominated    an    interrex.   Livy  i.  32. 
Under  his  presidency  the  people  in  their  comitia  (assem- 
bly) elected  Ancus   Marcius  king,  and  their  choice  was 
sanctioned  by  the  fathers.  .  .  .   The  genius  of  Ancus  was  of 
a  middle  kind,  partaking  of  that  of  Numa  and  of  Romulus. 

After  committing  the  care  of  religion  to  the  priests,  he  His  achieve- 
set  out  with  a  new  army  which  he  had  levied,  and  took  ments- 
Politorium,  a  city  of  the  Latins.     Following  the  example   Llvy  I#  33, 
of  former  kings,  who  had  increased  the  Roman  state  by 
giving  conquered  enemies  the  citizenship,  he  removed  all 
the  people  to  Rome. 

Such  accessions  of  citizens  increased  the  state ;  but  in 
so  great  a  multitude  crimes  were  secretly  committed.  The 
king  therefore  built  a  prison  in  the  heart  of  the  city,  over- 
looking the  Forum,  to  intimidate  lawless  persons.  And 
not  only  did  the  city  increase  in  population  under  this 
king,  but  the  territory  also  grew  in  area  and  the  bounda- 
ries were  extended.  He  took  the  Mesian  forest  from  the 
people  of  Veii,  and  extended  the  Roman  dominion  to  the 
sea.     The  city  of  Ostia  he  built  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber. 

Ancus  reigned  twenty-four  years,  equal  to  any  of  the  /£.  i.  35. 
former  kings  in  the  arts  and  renown  of  war  and  peace. 

Lucius  Tarquinius  Priscus 

After  the  death  of  Ancus  Marcius  the  senate,  empowered  Election, 

by  the  people  to  establish  whatever  form  of  government  Dionysius  iii. 

it  thought  fit,  again  resolved  to  continue  the  kingship,  and  47' 
appointed  interreges  (one  after  another).     Under  the  presi- 


5° 


The  Seven  Kings 


He  enlarges 
the  senate. 

Livy  i.  35. 


His  public 
works. 

Livy  i.  38. 


Servius  Tul- 
lius. 

Livy  i.  39. 


dency  of  one  of  these  magistrates,  the  people  in  their  as- 
sembly chose  Lucius  Tarquinius  king. 

The  same  ambition  which  had  prompted  Tarquin,  in 
other  respects  an  excellent  man,  to  aspire  to  the  crown, 
followed  him  during  his  reign.  No  less  mindful  of  strength- 
ening his  own  power  than  of  increasing  that  of  the  state,  he 
elected  a  hundred  into  the  senate.  From  that  time  the 
new  senators,  called  "  fathers  of  the  lesser  gentes"  formed 
a  party  zealous  in  the  king's  cause,  for  by  his  favor  they  had 
entered  the  senate. 

(He  then  waged  war  against  the  Sabines  and  the  Latins, 
and  gained  famous  victories  over  both  these  nations.) 

The  works  of  peace  he  set  about  with  greater  spirit  even 
than  he  had  shown  in  war.  Hence  the  people  enjoyed  no 
more  ease  and  quiet  at  home  than  they  had  in  their  cam- 
paigns abroad ;  for  he  began  to  surround  the  city  with 
a  stone  wall.  .  .  .  Improving  at  the  same  time  the  lower 
parts  of  the  city  round  the  Forum  and  among  the  hills,  — 
the  valleys  did  not  easily  carry  off  the  water  because  of  their 
flatness,  —  he  drained  this  region  by  means  of  sewers  drawn 
sloping  downward  to  the  Tiber. 

At  that  time  a  prodigy  happened  in  the  palace  —  a  won- 
derful event  both  in  appearance  and  in  its  result.  They 
say  that  the  head  of  a  (slave)  boy  named  Servius  Tullius, 
who  lay  fast  asleep,  blazed  with  fire  in  the  sight  of  many 
persons.  The  great  noise  made  at  so  wonderful  an  event 
awakened  the  royal  family,  but  when  one  of  the  servants 
was  bringing  water  to  put  out  the  flame,  the  queen  prevented 
him.  After  the  confusion  was  over,  she  gave  orders  that 
the  boy  was  not  to  be  disturbed  till  he  should  awake  of  his 
own  accord.  As  soon  as  he  awoke,  the  flame  disappeared. 
Then  Tanaquil  (the  queen),  taking  her  husband  apart,  said, 
"  Do  you  see  this  boy  whom  we  are  bringing  up  in  so  mean 
a  style  ?  Be  assured  that  hereafter  he  will  be  a  light  to  us 
in  our  misfortune  and  a  protector  to  our  palace  in  distress. 
Henceforth  let  us  with  all  care  train  up  this   youth,  who 


Servius  Tullius  51 

is  capable  of  becoming  a  great  ornament  to  the  state  and 
to  society." 

From  this  time  they  treated  the  boy  as  their  own  son, 
and  instructed  him  in  those  arts  which  qualify  men  for  high 
rank.  His  education  was  easy  because  it  was  agreeable  to 
the  gods.  The  young  man  proved  to  be  of  a  truly  royal 
disposition,  and  when  they  sought  a  son-in-law,  they  could 
find  no  Roman  youth  equal  to  him  in  any  accomplishment. 
Therefore  the  king  betrothed  his  own  daughter  to  Servius. 

About  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  Tarquin's  reign,  Servius  Tarquinis 
Tullius  was  in  the  highest  esteem  not  only  with  the  king  kllled- 
but  also  with  the  senate  and  people.  ...      At  this  time   Llvy  **  4°- 
the  king,  now  an  aged  man,  lost  his  life  through  the  treason   Dionysms  m. 
of  the  sons  of  Ancus  Marcius. 

Servius  Tullius 

When  the  death  became  known  to  the  public  and  mourn-   King  with- 
ing  began  in  the   palace,  Servius,  supported  by  a  strong  ou   e  ec  lon' 
guard,  took  possession  of  the  kingdom  with  the  consent  of      lvy  u  4I* 
the  fathers,  the  first  to  become  king  without  an  order  from 
the  people. 

Servius   now  began  to  strengthen  his  power  by  private  His 
as  well  as  by  public  measures.     That  the  feelings  of  Tar-     aug    ers' 
quin's  sons  might  not  be  the  same  toward  him  as  had  been     lvy    42' 
those  of  the  children  of  Ancus  toward  the  preceding  king, 
he  gave  his  two  daughters  in  marriage  to  the  young  Tarquin 
princes,  Lucius  and  Aruns.     These  human  plans,  however, 
did  not  break  the  inflexible  power  of  fate,  so  as  to  prevent 
envy  of  the  kingship  from  exciting  treachery  and  hatred  in 
his  own  household. 

In  such  a  state  of  affairs  it  was  fortunate  for  the  family 
that  war  with  Veii  and  with  the  rest  of  Etruria  broke  out. 
In  that  struggle  the  valor  and  the  good  fortune  of  Tullius 
became  evident,  and  after  routing  a  great  army  of  the 
enemy,  he  returned  to  Rome  unquestionably  king,  whether 
he  tried  the  loyalty  of  the  fathers  or  of  the  people. 


52 


The  Seven  Kings 


The  census. 


The  census 
classes. 

Livy  i.  43. 

(In  the  third 
century  B.C. 
the  as,  a  cop- 
per coin,  was 
worth  nearly 
two  cents ;  in 
earlier  times 
its  value  was 
greater. 
Probably  the 
classification 
was  at  first 
based  on 
land.) 


He  then  set  about  a  peaceful  work  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance, that  as  Numa  had  been  the  author  of  religious  insti- 
tutions, posterity  might  celebrate  Servius  as  the  founder  of 
all  distinctions  among  the  members  of  the  state,  and  of  those 
classes  which  are  based  on  dignity  and  fortune.  For  he 
instituted  the  census,  —  a  most  salutary  measure  for  an  em- 
pire destined  to  become  so  great.  According  to  the  census 
the  services  of  war  and  peace  were  to  be  performed  not  by 
every  person  without  distinction,  but  in  proportion  to  his 
amount  of  property.  By  means  of  the  census  he  formed 
the  classes  and  the  centuries,  —  an  arrangement  which  still 
exists  and  which  is  eminently  suited  both  to  peace  and  to 
war. 

Of  those  who  had  an  estate  worth  a  hundred  thousand 
asses  or  more  he  made  eighty  centuries,  forty  of  seniors  and 
forty  of  juniors.  All  these  centuries  constituted  the  first 
class.  The  seniors  were  to  guard  the  city,  the  juniors  to 
carry  on  war  in  the  field.  Their  arms  were  a  helmet,  a 
round  shield,  greaves,  and  a  corselet  —  all  of  bronze.  This 
armor  was  for  defence.  Their  offensive  weapons  were  a 
spear  and  a  sword.  To  the  first  class  were  added  two  cen- 
turies of  mechanics,  who  were  to  serve  without  arms. 
Their  duty  was  to  convey  the  military  engines. 

The  second  class  included  all  whose  estates  were  worth 
from  seventy-five  to  a  hundred  thousand  asses.  From  the 
seniors  and  juniors  of  this  class  twenty  centuries  in  all  were 
enrolled.  They  carried  a  buckler  instead  of  a  shield,  and 
had  no  corselet.  With  these  exceptions  their  arms  were 
the  same  as  those  of  the  first  class.  The  property  of  the 
third  class  amounted  to  fifty  thousand  asses  (at  the  lowest)  ; 
the  number  of  the  centuries  was  the  same  as  of  the  second 
class  with  the  same  distinction  of  age.  Their  arms,  too, 
were  the  same  excepting  that  they  wore  no  greaves.  The 
fourth  class,  including  all  whose  property  was  rated  at  twenty- 
five  thousand  asses  (at  the  lowest) ,  furnished  the  same  num- 
ber of  centuries ;  but  they  had  no  arms  excepting  a  spear 


ttiiutf! 


The  Classes  and  the  Tribes 


53 


and  a  long  javelin.  The  fifth  class  included  thirty  centu- 
ries, who  carried  slings  and  stones  for  throwing.  Among 
them  were  counted  three  centuries  of  horn-blowers  and 
trumpeters.  The  property  of  the  class  was  rated  at  eleven 
thousand  asses  (at  the  lowest).  All  below  this  rating  formed 
one  century  exempt  from  military  service. 

After  dividing  and  arming  the  infantry  in  this  way,  he 
levied  twelve  centuries  of  knights  from  among  the  chief  men 
of  the  state.  And  of  the  three  centuries  instituted  by  Rom- 
ulus he  made  six  without  changing  their  names.1  Ten  thou- 
sand asses  from  the  public  revenue  were  given  the  knights 
for  buying  horses ;  and  widows  were  taxed  two  thousand 
asses  yearly  for  the  support  of  the  horses.  All  these  burdens 
were  taken  off  the  poor  and  laid  on  the  rich. 

Then  an  additional  honor  was  added ;  the  right  to  vote 
was  not  given  to  all  alike,  according  to  the  custom  established 
by  Romulus,  and  followed  by  succeeding  kings,  of  granting 
to  every  man  the  same  right ;  but  degrees  of  privilege  were 
made,  so  that  no  one  might  seem  to  be  excluded  from  the 
right  of  voting,  and  yet  the  whole  power  might  reside  in  the 
chief  men  of  the  state.  For  the  knights  were  first  called, 
and  then  the  eighty  centuries  of  the  first  class ;  and  if  they 
happened  to  differ,  which  was  rarely  the  case,  those  of  the 
second  were  called,  and  the  voting  seldom  descended  to  the 
lowest  class. 

Next  he  divided  the  city  into  four  parts  according  to  the 
regions  and  hills  then  inhabited,  and  he  called  these  divisions 
tribes,  as  I  think  from  the  tribute  ;  for  he  introduced  also  the 
method  of  levying  taxes  according  to  the  value  of  estates. 

The  taking  of  the  census  he  hastened  by  the  terror  of  a 
law  which  threatened  with  imprisonment  and  death  those 
who  did  not  present  themselves  to  be  rated.  He  then  pro- 
claimed that  all  the  Roman  citizens,  horse  and  foot,  should 
attend  at  the  dawn  of  day  in  the  Campus  Martius,  each  in 

1  The  three  original  centuries  were  distinguished  from  the  three  afterward 
added  by  the  terms  "earlier"  and  "  later." 


(Livy  is  con- 
fused as  to 
the  numbers ; 
cf.  Rome  pp. 
34.  7°.) 


The  cavalry. 
(In  fact  the 
number  was 
doubled,  and 
long  after- 
ward twelve 
were  added ; 
Rome,  pp.  34, 
70.) 


The 

assembly 
of  the  cen- 
turies 

(comitia 
centuriata). 


The  city 
tribes. 
(At  the  same 
time  he 
probably  di- 
vided the 
country,  too, 
into  tribes.) 
The  growing 
population. 

Livy  i.  44. 


54 


The  Seven  Kings 


p.  3. 


Election  of 
Servius. 

Livy  i.  46. 


Tarquin 
seizes  the 
royal  power. 

Livy  i.  47. 


Servius  is 
killed. 

Livy  i.  48. 


his  century.  .  .  .  Eighty  thousand  citizens  are  said  to  have 
been  rated  in  that  survey.  Fabius  Pictor,  the  earliest  of  our 
historians,  adds  that  such  was  the  number  of  those  who  were 
able  to  bear  arms.  This  multitude  made  necessary  the  en- 
largement of  the  city.  Servius,  accordingly,  added  two  hills, 
the  Quirinal  and  the  Viminal.  ...  The  whole  city  he  sur- 
rounded with  an  earthen  rampart,  a  moat,  and  a  wall. 

By  long  possession  Servius  had  now  acquired  a  firm  hold 
on  the  kingdom ;  but  as  the  young  Tarquin  kept  hinting  at 
the  fact  that  Servius  held  the  crown  without  the  consent 
of  the  people,  the  ruler  first  secured  their  good  will  by  divid- 
ing among  them  man  by  man  the  lands  taken  from  their 
enemies,  and  then  proposed  to  the  people  the  question 
whether  they  chose  and  ordered  that  he  should  be  king. 
Thereupon  he  was  declared  king  with  greater  unanimity 
than  had  attended  the  election  of  any  ruler  before  him. 
But  this  circumstance  did  not  diminish  Tarquin's  hope  of 
obtaining  the  throne. 

As  soon  as  the  time  seemed  convenient  for  accomplishing 
his  object,  Tarquin  rushed  into  the  Forum,  accompanied  by 
a  party  of  armed  men ;  then  while  all  were  struck  with  dis- 
may, he  seated  himself  on  the  throne  before  the  senate- 
house,  and  ordered  the  fathers  to  be  summoned  by  the 
herald  to  attend  King  Tarquin.  They  gathered  immediately, 
some  already  prepared  for  the  occasion,  others  through  fear 
lest  their  absence  might  bring  them  harm.  They  were  as- 
tonished at  the  strange  and  sudden  event,  and  considered 
that  it  was  now  all  over  with  Servius. 

Then  Tarquin,  who  was  far  younger  than  the  king,  seized 
him,  and  dragging  him  from  the  senate-house,  threw  him 
down  the  steps  to  the  ground.  Returning  into  the  house, 
he  called  the  senate  to  order.  The  king's  officers  and  at- 
tendants fled.  Servius  himself,  almost  lifeless,  set  out  for 
home  with  his  terrified  followers.  As  he  came  to  the  top  of 
Cyprian  Street,  the  agents  of  Tarquin  overtook  him  in  his 
flight  and  killed  him.  .  .  . 


Tarquin  the  Proud  55 

Tullius  reigned  forty-four  years  so  well  that  even  a  good 
successor  would  have  found  it  hard  to  rival  him.  But  his 
glory  is  the  greater  from  the  fact  that  with  him  perished  all 
just  and  constitutional  rule. 

Lucius  Tarquinius  Superbus  ("The  Proud") 

Now  began  the  reign  of  the  Tarquin  whose  conduct  won  Character, 
for  him  the  surname  of  "  The  Proud  "  \  for  he  refused  his  Livy  i.  49. 
father-in-law  a  burial,  alleging  that  even  Romulus  received 
no  funeral.     He  put  to  death  the  principal  senators,  whom 
he  suspected  of  having  sided  with  Servius.  .  .  . 

As  the  number  of  the  fathers  decreased  in  this  way,  he 
determined  to  elect  none  into  the  senate  that  the  members 
might  be  despised  because  they  were  so  few,  and  that  they 
might  feel  less  angry  because  no  business  came  before  them. 
For  he  was  the  first  to  violate  the  custom  of  consulting  the 
senate  on  all  matters  —  a  rule  handed  down  by  former  kings. 
Advice  on  public  affairs  he  sought  within  his  own  family. 

Though  a  tyrannical  prince  in  time  of  peace,  Tarquin  was  His  ability 
by  no  means  a  poor  general ;  nay  he  would  have  equalled       war' 
the  other  kings  in  the  art  of  war,  had  not  his  depravity  in     lvy    53' 
other  matters  cast  a  shadow  over  his  military  glory.     He 
began  against  the  Volscians  the  war  which  was  to  last  two 
hundred  years ;  and  he  took  from  them  Suessa  Pometia  by 
storm.     As  the  sale  of  the  spoil  brought  him  forty  talents  of 
silver,  he  planned  a  magnificent  temple  to  Jupiter,  which  His  temple 
should  be  worthy  of  the  king  of  the  gods  and  men,  of  the    °  JuPlter- 
Roman  empire,  and  of  the  majesty  of  the  place  on  which  it 
was  to  be  built. 

And  that  the  area  might  be  devoted  solely  to  Jupiter  and  Livy  i.  55. 
his  temple,  to  the  exclusion  of  other  worships,  he  resolved 
to  unhallow  several  small  shrines  which  had  been  vowed  first 
by  King  Tatius  in  the  heat  of  battle  against  Romulus,  and 
which  the  same  king  afterward  built  and  dedicated.  In  the 
beginning  of  this  work  the  gods  are  said  to  have  revealed 


56  The  Seven  Kings 

the  future  greatness  of  the  empire ;  for  though  the  birds 

declared  in  favor  of  unhallowing  all  the  other  temples,  they 

did  not  permit  it  in  the  case  of  the  shrine  of  Terminus.     The 

(God  of  fact  that  among  the  gods  of  this  area  Terminus  alone  would 

p°43-)aneS'     not  cnan8e  ms  aD0(ie  foretold  the  duration  and  stability  of 

the  empire. 
Livy  i.  56.  Intent  on  finishing  this  temple,  Tarquin  sent  for  workmen 

from  all  parts  of  Etruria,  and  employed  on  it  not  only  public 
money  but  the  labor  of  the  plebeians.  And  though  this 
toil,  by  no  means  light,  was  added  to  their  military  service, 
they  murmured  little  at  building  the  temples  of  the  gods 
with  their  own  hands ;  but  they  were  afterward  transferred 
to  other  works,  which  though  less  showy  imposed  greater 
toil.  As  a  part  of  this  new  labor  they  erected  benches  in  the 
Circus  (Maximus),  and  made  under  ground  the  Cloaca 
Maxima  —  two  public  works  which  the  splendor  of  modern 
times  can  scarcely  rival. 

The  Capitoline  temple,  built  on  a  high  rock,  was  eight 

hundred  feet  in  circuit,  about  two  hundred  to  each  side. 

Dionysius  iv.   It  had  three  rows  of  columns  in  the  south  front,  with  two  on 

(abridged).     eacn  s*de.     The  building  was  divided  into  three  temples 

parallel  with  one  another.    The  middle  temple  was  dedicated 

to  Jupiter,  the  others  to  Juno  and  Minerva.     All  three  had 

one  pediment  and  one  roof. 

Lucretia.  (Some  time  afterward  while  the  Romans  were  besieging 

Livy  i.  57.       Ardea,  a  neighboring  city,)  the  young  princes  occasionally 

spent  their  leisure  in  feasting  and  entertainments.     Once 

when  they  were  drinking  in  the  tent  of  Sextus  Tarquinius, 

where  Collatinus  Tarquinius,  son   of  Egerius,  was  also  at 

supper,   mention  was   made    of    their   wives.     Thereupon 

every  one  extravagantly  praised  his  own  wife  ;  and  when  all 

fell  to  disputing,  Collatinus  said,  "  There  is  no  need  of  words ; 

we  may  know  in  a  few  hours  how  far  my  Lucretia  excels  all 

the  rest.    If  we  have  any  youthful  strength,  let  us  mount  our 

horses  and  look  into  the  conduct  of  our  wives.     Let  each 

wife's  character  be  tested  by  the  scene  which  first  meets  the 


The  End  of  the  Kingship  57 

eye  of  the  husband  when  he  comes  home  unexpectedly. 
Warmed  with  wine,  they  all  said,  "  Come  on !  "  and  gal- 
loped to  Rome,  where  they  arrived  in  the  dusk  of  the  even- 
ing. Thence  they  went  to  Collatia,  where  they  found 
Lucretia,  not  like  the  king's  daughters-in-law,  whom  they 
had  seen  spending  their  time  with  friends  in  luxurious  feasts, 
but  busy  with  her  wool,  though  late  at  night,  sitting  among 
her  maids,  who  were  at  work  around  her.  The  award  in  the 
contest  regarding  the  ladies  fell  to  Lucretia.  She  kindly 
received  her  husband  and  the  Tarquins  on  their  arrival ;  and 
Collatinus  politely  entertained  the  princes.  There  a  villain- 
ous desire  to  wrong  Lucretia  seized  Sextus  Tarquinius. 

When  therefore  the  king's  eldest  son  had  wronged  the  Lucius 
honor  of  Lucretia,  wife  of  Collatinus,  and    this   chaste  and  te£j 
noble  lady  had  stabbed  herself  to  death  on  account  of  the  Cicero 
injury  she  could  not  survive,  Lucius  Junius  Brutus,  a  man  of   Republic,  ii. 
eminent  genius  and  worth,  dashed  from  his  fellow-citizens  2S# 
the  unjust  yoke  of  servitude.     Of  royal  ancestry,  though  in 
a  private  station,  he  alone  upheld  the  commonwealth ;  he 
was  the  first  in  Rome  to  assert  that  no  one  should  remain  a 
private  citizen  when  the  preservation  of  our  liberties  is  con- 
cerned.    Under  his  authority  and  command  our  city  rose 
against  tyranny,  and  stirred  by  the  recent  grief  of  Lucretia's 
father  and  kinsmen,  and  by  the  recollection  of  King  Tar- 
quin's  cruelty,  and  of  the  countless  crimes  of  this  tyrant  and 
his  sons,  they  pronounced  sentence  of  banishment  against 
him  and  his  children,  and  the  whole  race  of  the  Tarquins. 

Lucius  Tarquinius,  the  Proud,  reigned  twenty-five  years ;  End  of  the 
the  regal  form  of  government  extended  from  the  building  of    kinSsniP- 
the  city  to  its  deliverance,  two  hundred  and  forty-five  years.   Jfnrthe60" 
Two  consuls,  Lucius  Junius  Brutus  and  Lucius  Tarquinius  absence  of 
Collatinus,  were  elected  in  the  comitia  centuriata  under  the   J.ity  ^af ' t  e 
prefect  of  the  city,  as  prescribed  by  the  commentaries  of    ™ied  by  a 
Servius  Tulli.us. 


58  The  Seven   Kings 


STUDIES 

1.  Describe  from  the  maps  {Rome,  pp.  35,  41  ;  Ancient  History, 
pp.  278,  283)  the  location  of  Rome,  Palatine  Mount,  Circus  (Maximus), 
Aventine  Mount,  the  Sabines,  the  Forum,  Cures,  Lavinium,  and  Ostia. 

2.  Why  did  the  Romans  wish  to  connect  their  origin  as  closely  as 
possible  with  the  Greeks  {Rome,  p.  18)?  Tell  the  story  of  the  siege 
of  Troy  {Ancient  History,  p.  59  f.).  Who  was  ^neas  {Rome,  p.  17 ; 
Ancient  History,  p.  265)  ? 

3.  In  the  myth  of  Romulus  and  Remus,  why  did  the  people  imagine 
that  a  wolf  and  a  woodpecker  cared  for  these  twins  ?  At  the  time 
when  Romulus  and  Remus  were  supposed  to  be  children,  were  the 
Latins  yet  acquainted  with  the  alphabet  ?  Describe  the  life  of  the 
herdsmen.     Why  was  the  "  hut  of  Romulus  "  kept  holy  ? 

4.  Tell  the  myth  of  the  founding  of  Rome.  Was  Rome  in  fact  a 
colony  of  Alba  Longa  {Rome,  pp.  6,  19 ;  Ancient  History,  p.  258)  ? 
Describe  augury.     What  may  we  learn  from  the  story  of  the  vultures  ? 

5.  Give  an  account  of  the  Pythian  oracle  {Greece,  pp.  99-101; 
Ancient  History,  pp.  74-76).  How  does  the  story  of  the  "sacred 
refuge  "  illustrate  the  liberality  of  Rome  in  her  treatment  of  strangers  ? 
In  your  further  reading  notice  all  the  instances  of  the  same  liberality. 
How  did  this  policy  of  the  Romans  benefit  their  state  (cf.  p.  33)  ? 

6.  Though  all  the  persons  and  events  mentioned  in  this  chapter  are 
mythical,  the  manners,  customs,  and  institutions  are  historical.  With 
this  principle  in  mind,  read  carefully  the  story  of  the  kingship  of  Romu- 
lus, separate  the  history  from  the  fiction,  and  put  together  your  results 
in  a  short  paper  on  the  Government  of  Rome  under  the  Kings. 

7.  Describe  the  power  of  the  father  in  early  Rome.  What  were  the 
advantages  and  disadvantages  of  this  strict  family  discipline  ? 

8.  Tell  the  story  of  the  Sabine  women.  What  is  the  historical 
meaning  of  this  tale  {Rome,  p.  19)?  In  the  belief  of  the  Romans, 
what  became  of  Romulus  ?    What  does  Plutarch  think  of  this  belief  ? 

9.  From  the  account  of  the  reign  of  Numa  write  a  brief  paper  on 
the  Religion  of  Early  Rome  (cf.  6).  Include  the  religious  institutions 
attributed  to  Romulus. 

10.  What  was  the  condition  of  agriculture  and  of  the  industries 
under  the  kings  ? 

11.  Compare  the  fight  between  the  champions  of  Rome  and  Alba 
Longa  with  a  similar  contest  between  Lacedsemon  and  Argos  (  Greece, 
p.  78  ;  Ancient  History,  p.  104).  What  do  you  think  of  this  method 
of  settling  difficulties  between  states  ? 

12.  Which  of  the  kings  admitted  foreigners  liberally  to  the  citizen- 
ship ?     Was  this  a  good  policy  ?    Collect  all  the  instances  of  the  dis- 


Studies  59 

tribution  of  land  by  the  kings.     How  did  Rome  acquire  land,  and  how 
did  she  dispose  of  it  ? 

13.  What  historical  truth  may  we  find  in  the  myth  of  Ancus 
Marcius  ? 

14.  Describe  the  public  works  of  the  Tarquins  and  Servius  Tullius. 

15.  Is  it  remarkable  that  a  slave  by  birth  should  become  king  of 
Rome,  as  the  myth  of  Servius  Tullius  represents  ?  What  social  condi- 
tion of  Rome  does  this  story  indicate  ?  Why  does  Livy  consider 
Servius  the  last  "  constitutional "  king  (cf.  p.  55)  ? 

16.  Describe  the  five  census  classes.  What  was  the  relation  be- 
tween the  army  of  Servius  and  the  comitia  centuriata  {Rome,  pp.  34, 
69 ;  Ancient  History,  pp.  276,  298)  ?  Compare  the  tribes  of  Servius 
with  the  three  original  tribes. 

17.  In  the  myth  of  Tarquin  the  Proud,  what  are  given  as  the  causes 
of  the  overthrow  of  monarchy  ? 

18.  What  may  we  gather  from  Livy  as  to  his  idea  of  an  "  excellent 
man  "  (cf.  p.  50)  ? 


CHAPTER  III 

Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 

First  Period  of  the  Republic  —  External  History 
(509-264  B.C.) 


First  treaty 
between 
Rome  and 
Carthage, 
509  B.C. 

Polybius  iii. 
22. 


(The  early 
date  of  this 
treaty  has 
been  ques- 
tioned, yet 
without 
sufficient 
grounds. 
Fair  Prom- 
ontory is  on 
the  northern 
coast  of 
Africa,  near 
Carthage.) 


CARTHAGE,  ETRURIA,  AND  LATIUM 

The  first  treaty  between  Rome  and  Carthage  was  made  in 
the  year  of  Lucius  Junius  Brutus  and  Marcus  Horatius,  the 
first  consuls  elected  after  the  expulsion  of  the  kings.  Of  this 
treaty  I  append  a  translation  as  accurate  as  I  could  make 
it,  for  the  fact  is  that  the  ancient  language  differs  so  much 
from  that  at  present  in  use  that  the  best  scholars  among  the 
Romans  themselves  have  great  difficulty  in  interpreting  some 
points  in  the  document. 

"  Between  the  Romans  and  their  allies,  and  the  Cartha- 
ginians and  their  allies,  there  shall  be  peace  and  alliance 
upon' the  following  terms:  — 

"  Neither  the  Romans  nor  their  allies  shall  sail  beyond  the 
Fair  Promontory,  unless  driven  by  bad  weather  or  by  an 
enemy.  And  in  case  any  one  of  them  be  driven  ashore,  he 
shall  not  buy  or  take  aught  for  himself  save  what  is  needful 
for  the  repair  of  his  ship  and  the  service  of  the  gods,  and  he 
shall  depart  within  five  days. 

"  Merchants  landing  for  traffic  in  Sardinia  or  in  Libya 
shall  strike  no  bargain  except  in  the  presence  of  a  herald  or 
a  town  clerk ;  and  the  credit  of  the  state  shall  be  a  security 
to  the  merchant  for  whatever  he  shall  sell  in  the  presence  of 
this  officer. 

60 


Etruria  6 1 

"  If  any  Roman  lands  in  the  Carthaginian  province  in 
Sicily,  he  shall  enjoy  all  the  rights  enjoyed  by  others. 

"  The  Carthaginians,  on  the  other  hand,  shall  do  no  injury 
to  the  people  of  Antium,  Laurentum,  Circeii,  Tarracina,  or 
any  other  people  of  the  Latins  who  are  subject  to  Rome. 
Nor  shall  they  possess  themselves  of  any  town  of  the  Latins 
which  is  not  subject  to  Rome.  If  they  take  one  of  these 
towns,  they  shall  deliver  it  unharmed  to  the  Romans. 

"  The  Carthaginians  shall  build  no  fort  in  Latium  ;  and  if 
they  land  an  armed  force  there,  they  shall  depart  before 
night." 

By  this  time  the  Tarquins  had  fled  to  Lars  Porsena,  king   Tarquins 
of  Clusium.     There,  mingling   advice  with   entreaty,    they  |orSenaS 
sometimes  besought  him  not  to  suffer  them,  who  were  de-   Li    H  g> 
scended   from   the  Etruscans  and  of  the  same  blood  and 
name,  to  live  in  exile  and  poverty ;  and  at  other  times  they 
advised  him  not  to  let  this  new  practice  of  expelling  kings 
pass  unpunished.     "  Liberty  has  charms  enough  in  itself," 
they  said,  "  and  unless  kings  defend  their  own  crowns  with 
as  much  vigor  as  the  people  pursue  their  liberty,  the  highest 
must  be  reduced  to  a  level  with  the  lowest.     Nothing  will 
be  exalted  above  the  rest;  and  hence  there  must  be  an 
end  of  kingly  rule,  the  most  beautiful  institution  among  gods 
and  men." 

Porsena,  thinking  it  would  be  an  honor  to  the  Etruscans 
that  there  should  be  a  king  at  Rome,  and  especially  one  of 
the  Etruscan  nation,  marched  to  war  against  Rome.  Never 
before  did  so  great  a  terror  seize  the  senate,  so  powerful  was 
the  state  of  Clusium  and  so  great  the  renown  of  Porsena. 

Some  parts  of  the  city  seemed  secured  by  the  walls,  others  Horatius  at 
by  the  Tiber.  The  Sublician  bridge,  however,  well-nigh  ^ wSflen 
afforded  a  passage  to  the  enemy,  had  there  not  been  one  b^dge  over 
man,  Horatius  Codes,  who  happened  to  be  posted  on  guard  e  g  er'^ 
at  the  bridge.  When  he  saw  the  Janiculum  taken  by  a  sud-  lvy  '  IO* 
den  assault,  and  the  enemy  pouring  down  from  thence  at  full 
speed,  and  his  own  party  in  terror  and  confusion  abandoning 


62     Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

their  arms  and  ranks,  he  laid  hold  of  them  one  by  one,  stood 
in  their  way,  and  appealed  to  the  faith  of  gods  and  men,  say- 
ing, "  Your  flight  will  avail  you  nothing  if  you  desert  your 
posts ;  for  if  the  enemy  pass  the  bridge  and  leave  it  behind 
them,  there  will  soon  be  more  foes  on  the  Palatine  and  Capi- 
toline  hills  than  there  are  now  on  the  Janiculum.  I  advise 
and  charge  you,  therefore,  to  demolish  the  bridge  by  sword, 
by  fire,  by  any  means  whatever,  while  I  stand  the  shock  of 
the  enemy  as  far  as  one  man  can  do." 

He  then  advanced  to  the  farther  entrance  of  the  bridge, 
and  separating  himself  from  those  who  showed  their  backs 
in  retreat,  he  faced  about  to  engage  the  foe  hand  to  hand. 
His  surprising  bravery  terrified  the  enemy.  Two  other  men 
a  sense  of  shame  kept  with  him,  —  Spurius  Lartius  and  Titus 
Herminius,  men  of  eminent  birth  and  gallant  deeds.  For  a 
short  time  they  three  withstood  the  storm  of  danger  and  the 
severest  brunt  of  the  battle.  But  as  those  who  were  destroy- 
ing the  bridge  called  on  the  champions  to  retire,  Horatius 
bade  his  companions  withdraw  to  a  place  of  safety  on  a  small 
portion  of  the  bridge  still  left.  Then  casting  his  stern,  threat- 
ening eyes  round  all  the  Etruscan  officers,  he  sometimes 
challenged  them  singly,  sometimes  reproached  them  all  as 
slaves  of  haughty  tyrants,  who,  regardless  of  their  own  free- 
dom, had  come  to  overthrow  the  liberty  of  others.  Hesi- 
tating long,  they  waited  for  one  another  to  begin  the  fight. 
Shame  at  length  moved  the  army  j  and  raising  a  shout,  they 
hurled  their  missiles  from  all  sides  upon  their  single  foe.  As 
the  darts  stuck  in  his  shield,  he  no  less  firmly  held  the  bridge. 
Finally  they  tried  to  push  him  down  from  it,  when  suddenly 
the  crash  of  the  falling  bridge,  together  with  the  joyous  shout 
of  the  Romans,  instantly  changed  the  foemen's  ardor  into 
panic.  Horatius  exclaimed,  "  Holy  father  Tiber,  I  pray  that 
thou  mayest  receive  these  arms  and  this  thy  soldier  in  thy 
propitious  stream,"  and  armed  as  he  was,  he  leaped  into  the 
Tiber  and  amid  showers  of  darts  hurled  on  him,  swam  safe 
across  to  his  party. 


Latium  63 

Porsena  then  agreed  to  withdraw  from  the  Janiculum  on   Livy  ii.  13. 
condition  that  the  Romans  should  restore  the  lands  they  had 
taken  from  Veii,  and  give  hostages.     After  concluding  peace 
on  these  terms,  he  withdrew  his  troops  from  the  Janiculum, 
and  retired  from  the  Roman  country. 

(Tarquin  next  sought  aid  of  the  Latins,  who  tried  to  re-  Treaty 
store  him,  but  were  disastrously  beaten  at  Lake  Regillus.  R^e  aid 
Thereupon  Tarquin  took  refuge  at  Cumae,  where  he  soon  the  Latins, 
died,  and  the  Romans  concluded  with  the  Latins  the  following  493 
treaty  :) 

"Let  there   be  peace  between  the  Romans  and  all  the   Dionysiusvi. 
Latin  cities  as  long  as  heaven  and  earth  shall  remain  in  their  s" 
present  position. 

"  Let  them  neither  make  war  upon  one  another  themselves, 
nor  bring  in  foreign  enemies,  nor  grant  a  safe  passage  to 
those  who  shall  make  war  upon  either. 

"  Let  them  with  all  their  forces  assist  one  another  when 
attacked  by  enemies,  and  let  both  have  equal  shares  of  the 
spoils  and  booty  taken  in  their  common  wars. 

*  Let  suits  relating  to  private  contracts  be  determined  in 
ten  days  among  that  people  among  whom  the  contract  was 
made. 

"  Let  nothing  be  added  to,  or  taken  from,  these  treaties 
except  by  the  joint  consent  of  the  Romans  and  all  the 
Latins." 

To  ratify  this  treaty  one  of  the  consuls  remained  at  Rome. 
The  other,  sent  to  the  Volscian  war,  routed  and  put  to  flight 
the  Volscians  of  Antium,  and  continuing  his  pursuit  of  them 
now  that  they  were  driven  into  Longula,  he  took  the  town.  Livy  ii.  33. 
Next  he  captured  Polusca,  also  Volscian  j  then  he  attacked 
Corioli  with  all  his  force. 

Coriolanus 
Among  the  young  noblemen  in  the  camp  at  that  time  was  Gaius 
Gaius  Marcius,  a   youth  distinguished  for  intelligence  and  cSiioianus. 
courage,  who  afterward  was  given  the  surname  Coriolanus. 


64     Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

When  the  Romans  were  besieging  Corioli,  and  were  wholly 
intent  upon  watching  the  besieged  inhabitants  with  no  fear 
of  attack  from  without,  a  Volscian  legion  from  Antium  sud- 
denly assailed  them  and  at  the  same  time  the  enemy  sallied 
forth  from  the  town.  Marcius  happened  to  be  on  guard. 
With  a  chosen  band  he  not  only  repelled  the  attack  of  the 
inhabitants,  but  boldly  rushed  in  through  the  open  gate  and 
cut  down  all  in  that  part  of  the  city.  Then  hastily  seizing 
some  fire,  he  threw  it  into  the  houses  adjoining  the  wall. 
Thereupon  the  shouts  of  the  townsmen,  mingling  with  the 
wailings  of  the  terrified  women  and  children,  increased  the 
courage  of  the  Romans  and  dispirited  the  Volscians,  who  saw 
the  enemy  in  possession  of  the  city  they  had  come  to  save. 
In  this  way  the  Volscians  of  Antium  were  defeated,  the  town 
of  Corioli  was  taken,  and  Marcius  by  his  valor  eclipsed  the 
reputation  of  the  consul  in  command. 

His  exile.  (Some  time  afterward  Marcius,  who  was  a  patrician,  was 

prosecuted  by  the  leaders  of  the  commons  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  attempting  to  deprive  the  people  of  their  rights. 

Plutarch,         He  fled  from  Rome,  and  in  his  absence)  was  condemned 

Ofrtoanus,     ^y  a   majority  of  the  tribes,  and   sentenced  to  perpetual 
banishment. 

Deciding  at  length  to  excite  a  cruel  war  against  Rome,  he 

lb.  as.  proceeded  at  once  to  apply  to  the  Volscians.  .  .  .    There  was 

lb.  22.  a  certain  citizen  of  Antium  named  Tullus  Aufidius,  who  from 

his  wealth,  courage,  and  noble  birth,  was  regarded  as  the 
most  important  man  in  the  whole  Volscian  nation. 

Marcius  and  Tullus  held  private  conferences  with  the  chief 

lb.  26.  men  of  the  Volscians,  and  advised  them  to  begin  the  war 

while  Rome  was  divided  by  its  domestic  quarrels.  ...     By 

lb.  28.  zealous  exertions  the  entire  Volscian  nation  was  soon  assem- 

bled under  arms. 

The  affairs  of  Rome  were  in  extreme  disorder;  for  the 
people  refused  to  fight ;   political  quarrels  took  place  and 

lb.  29.  seditious  speeches  were  made  every  day,  till  news  came  that 

the  enemy  were  besieging  Lavinium.     This  town  contains 


A  Mother's  Influence  65 

the  most  ancient  images  and  sacred  property  of  the  guar- 
dian gods  of  Rome,  and  is  the  mother-city  of  the  Roman 
people,  the  first  settlement  founded  by  ^neas. 

While  the  consuls  at  Rome  were  reviewing  the  legions,  The  Romans 
and  posting  guards  along  the  walls  and  in  other  places  where  appease  him. 
sentinels  and  guards  were  needed,  a  great  crowd  terrified  Livy  ^  39# 
them  with  seditious  clamors  for  peace,  and  finally  compelled 
them  to  call  the  senate  to  consider  the  question  of  sending 
deputies  to  Gaius  Marcius.  When  it  became  evident  that 
the  spirit  of  the  plebeians  was  failing,  the  senate  took  up  the 
question  and  sent  messengers  to  Gaius  Marcius  to  treat  for 
peace.  They  brought  back  this  harsh  reply  :  "  If  you  restore 
the  lands  you  have  taken  from  the  Volscians,  you  may  then 
consider  the  question  of  peace ;  but  if  you  are  disposed  to 
sit  at  ease  enjoying  the  plunder  of  war,  I  who  remember  my 
unjust  treatment  at  the  hands  of  fellow-citizens,  as  well  as  the 
kindness  of  strangers,  will  do  my  best  to  prove  that  my  spirit 
has  been  irritated  but  not  crushed  by  exile."  When  the 
same  persons  were  sent  a  second  time,  they  were  not  ad- 
mitted to  the  camp.  It  is  recorded,  too,  that  the  priests  in 
their  sacred  garb  went  as  suppliants  to  the  enemy's  camp ; 
and  that  they  did  not  influence  his  mind  more  than  did  the 
deputies  of  the  senate. 

Then  the  matrons  gathered  in  a  body  round  Veturia,  the  His  mother 
mother  of  Gaius  Marcius,  and  his  wife  Volumnia  —  whether  ^j1"8 
by  public  counsel  or  from  the  women's  fear  I  cannot  say.   Liy   .. 
They  carried  their  point  that  Veturia,  an  aged  woman,  and 
Volumnia  with  her  little  children,  the  sons  of  Marcius,  should 
go  to  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  and  that  the  women  should 
defend  by  their  prayers  and  tears  the  city  which  the  men 
could  not  protect  with  arms.     When  they  reached  the  camp 
and  were  announced  to  Gaius  Marcius  ...  he  sprang  bewil- 
dered from  his  seat  and  offered  to  embrace  his  mother.     But 
turning  from  entreaties  to  angry  rebuke,  she  said,  "  Before 
I  receive  your  embrace,  let  me  know  whether  I  have  come  to 
an  enemy  or  to  a  son  —  whether  I  am  in  your  camp  a  captive 

F 


66      Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 

or  a  mother.  Has  length  of  life  and  a  wretched  old  age  re- 
served me  for  this — to  see  you  an  exile  and  an  enemy  ?  Could 
you  lay  waste  this  land  which  gave  you  birth  and  nurtured  you  ? 
Though  you  came  enraged  and  vengeful,  did  not  your  anger 
cool  when  you  entered  its  frontiers?  When  you  came  in 
sight  of  Rome,  did  it  not  occur  to  you  that  within  those  walls 
were  your  house  and  guardian  gods,  your  mother,  wife,  and 
children?  It  is  true  then  that  had  I  not  been  a  mother, 
Rome  would  not  be  besieged  ;  had  I  no  son,  I  might  die  free 
in  a  free  country.  But  my  suffering  is  your  disgrace ;  and 
however  wretched  I  may  be,  I  shall  not  live  long.  Look  to 
these  others,  on  whom  your  stubbornness  will  bring  untimely 
death  or  lasting  slavery." 

Then  his  wife  and  children  embraced  him ;  and  the 
wailing  of  the  women,  as  they  bemoaned  themselves  and 
their  country,  at  length  overcame  him.  Embracing  his 
family,  he  sent  them  away  and  removed  his  camp  farther 
from  the  city.  After  withdrawing  his  troops  from  the 
Roman  country,  he  lost  his  life,  some  say,  through  hatred 
roused  by  these  events.  Writers  differ  as  to  the  manner  of 
his  death;  but  Fabius  (Pictor),  by  far  the  most  ancient 
historian,  says  that  he  lived  to  old  age,  and  quotes  from 
him  this  phrase,  "  Exile  weighs  more  heavily  on  an  aged 
man." 

Veii 


The  siege  of 
Veii, 

405(?)~396 
B.C. 


Plutarch, 
Camillus,  2. 


(In  the  lifetime  of  Gains  Marcius  the  Volscians  and  the 
^Equians  wrested  nearly  all  Latium  from  Rome ;  but  some 
years  afterward  the  Romans  began  to  make  headway  against 
these  enemies.  Before  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  B.C. 
they  had  recovered  Latium.  They  then  began  a  war  for 
the  conquest  of  Veii,  a  powerful  city  of  Etruria,  not  far 
from  Rome.) 

Defeated  in  several  great  battles,  the  people  of  Veii  had 
given  up  all  plans  of  conquest,  had  built  strong  high  walls, 
had  filled  their  city  with  arms,  provisions,  and  all  kinds  of 


A   Mystery 


67 


material  of  war,  and  were  fearlessly  enduring  a  siege,  which 
was  certainly  long,  but  which  became  no  less  irksome  and 
difficult  to  the  besiegers. 

While  the  war  was  at  its  height,  much  alarm  was  caused 
by  the  strange  thing  seen  at  the  Alban  lake,  which  could 
not  be  accounted  for  by  the  laws  of  nature.  The  season 
was  autumn,  and  the  summer  had  not  been  remarkable  for 
rain  or  for  moist  winds,  so  that  many  of  the  streams  and 
marshes  in  Italy  were  quite  dried  up,  and  others^arely  held 
out,  while  the  rivers,  as  is  usual  in  summer,  were  very  low 
and  deeply  sunk  in  their  beds.  But  the  Alban  lake,  which 
is  self-contained,  surrounded  as  it  is  by  fertile  hills,  began 
for  no  reason  except  perhaps  the  will  of  heaven,  to  increase 
in  volume  and  to  encroach  upon  the  hillsides  near  it,  till  it 
reached  their  very  tops,  rising  quietly  and  without  disturb- 
ance. 

At  first  the  portent  amazed  only  the  shepherds  of  the 
neighborhood  j  but  when  the  lake  by  weight  of  its  waters 
broke  through  the  thin  neck  of  land  which  held  it  in,  and 
poured  down  in  a  mighty  stream  through  the  fertile  plains 
to  the  sea,  then  not  only  the  Romans  but  all  the  people  of 
Italy  thought  it  a  portent  of  the  gravest  character.  Every 
one  talked  about  it ;  and  in  the  camp  before  Veii  it  was  so 
much  discussed  that  the  besieged  also  learned  what  was 
happening  at  the  lake. 

There  was  an  ancient  oracle  about  the  city  of  Veii,  that 
it  could  not  be  taken  until  its  enemies  drove  back  the 
waters  of  the  Alban  lake,  and  prevented  its  joining  the 
sea.  When  the  senators  heard  this  report,  they  were  at  a 
loss  what  to  do,  and  determined  to  send  an  embassy  to 
Delphi  to  inquire  of  the  god.  .  .  . 

After  a  prosperous  journey  the  ambassadors  returned  with 
a  reply  from  Apollo,  which  pointed  to  the  neglect  of  certain 
ceremonies  in  the  festival  of  the  Latin  games,  and  bade  the 
Romans,  if  possible,  force  the  waters  of  the  Alban  lake 
away  from  the  sea  into  their  ancient  course,  or  if  this  could 


The 

mystery  of 
the  Alban 
lake. 

Plutarch, 
Camillus,  3. 


lb.  a,. 


Greece,  p.  99 ; 
Ancient 
History,  p.  74. 


(Celebrated 
by  the  Latins 
at  Alba 
Longa ; 
p.  20.) 


68      Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 


The  capture 
of  Veil, 
396  B.C. 

Plutarch, 

Cam  1 II us,  5. 


(The  Ro- 
mans had 
feared  Veii 
because  it 
was  great 
and  power- 
ful ;cf.  p.  66,) 


not  be  done,  to  divide  the  stream  by  canals  so  as  to  expend 
it  in  the  plain.  When  this  answer  came,  the  priests  took 
the  necessary  steps  about  the  sacrifices,  while  the  people 
turned  their  attention  to  the  diversion  of  the  water. 

In  the  tenth  year  of  the  war  the  senate  recalled  all  the 
rest  of  the  generals  and  made  Camillus  dictator  .  .  .  who 
turned  his  attention  to  the  siege  of  Veii ;  and  perceiving 
that  it  would  be  a  difficult  matter  to  take  the  city  by  as- 
sault, he  ordered  mines  to  be  dug ;  for  the  ground  near  the 
walls  was  easily  worked,  and  the  mines  could  be  sunk  to  a 
sufficient  depth  for  concealment  from  the  besieged.  As 
this  work  succeeded  to  his  wish,  he  pretended  an  attack 
above  ground  to  call  the  enemy  to  the  wall  and  to  distract 
their  attention,  while  others  made  their  way  unperceived 
through  the  mine  to  the  temple  of  Juno  in  the  citadel,  the 
largest  and  most  sacred  building  in  the  city.  Here  the  king 
of  Veii  chanced  to  be  sacrificing.  On  inspecting  the 
omens,  the  soothsayer  cried  out  with  a  loud  voice  that  the 
goddess  would  give  the  victory  to  whoever  offered  this 
victim.  When  the  Romans  in  the  mine  heard  these 
words,  they  quickly  tore  up  the  floor,  and  burst  through 
it  with  shouts  and  rattling  arms.  The  enemy  fled  in  terror, 
while  the  invaders  seized  the  victims  and  carried  them  to 
Camillus.     This  story,  however,  sounds  rather  fabulous. 

The  city  was  stormed  and  the  Romans  carried  off  an 
enormous  amount  of  plunder.  Camillus,  who  viewed  his 
men  from  the  citadel,  at  first  stood  weeping,  but  when  con- 
gratulated by  those  who  were  with  him,  he  raised  his  hands  to 
heaven  and  said,  "  Great  Jupiter,  and  all  ye  other  gods  who 
see  all  good  and  evil  deeds  alike,  ye  know  it  is  not  in  un- 
righteous conquest,  but  in  self-defence,  that  the  Romans 
have  taken  this  city  from  their  lawless  enemies.  If  there 
awaits  us  any  reverse  of  fortune  to  counterbalance  this 
good  luck,  I  pray  that  it  may  fall,  not  upon  the  city  or 
the  army  of  Rome,  but  as  lightly  as  may  be  upon  my  own 
head." 


Allia 


69 


Plutarch, 
Camillus.  11. 


When  the  leaders  of  the  plebs  introduced  a  resolution  to  Camillus 
distribute  the  territory  of  Veii  among  the  citizens  and  to  f£f1elnto 
remove  half  the  city  to  Veii,  Camillus  openly  and  without 
caring  for  popularity  opposed  the  measure. 

The  people  were  much  excited  against  him,  and  it  was 
clear  that  whatever  the  charge  against  him  might  be,  they  lb.  12. 
would  condemn  him.  .  .  .  But  when  his  friends  after  con- 
sulting together  informed  him  that  they  would  not  prevent 
his  condemnation  but  would  help  pay  his  fine,  he  could  not 
bear  such  treatment,  and  determined  in  a  rage  to  leave  Rome 
and  go  into  exile. 

He  embraced  his  wife  and  son,  and  walked  from  his  house 
silently  as  far  as  the  gate  of  the  city.  There  he  turned  back, 
and  stretching  out  his  hands  toward  the  Capitol,  he  prayed 
to  the  gods  that  if  he  was  driven  from  Rome  unjustly  by  the 
insolence  and  hatred  of  the  people,  the  Romans  might  soon 
repent  of  their  conduct  to  him,  and  appear  before  the  world 
begging  him  to  return  and  longing  for  their  Camillus  back 
again. 

The  Gauls 


Every  Roman  believes  that  the  prayers  of  Camillus  were 
quickly  heard  by  Jupiter,  and  that  a  terrible  retribution  was 
exacted  for  his  wrongs.  (For  it  was  while  he  was  in  exile 
that  the  Gauls  came.) 

The  Romans  marched  about  eleven  miles  from  the  city, 
and  halted  for  the  night  on  the  banks  of  the  Allia,  a  stream  ib.  18. 
which  joins  the  Tiber  not  far  from  where  their  camp  was 
pitched.  Here  in  an  unskilful  battle  the  want  of  discipline 
caused  the  ruin  of  the  Romans.  The  Gauls  drove  the  left 
wing  into  the  river  and  destroyed  it,  but  the  right,  which 
took  refuge  in  the  hills  to  avoid  the  enemy's  charge  on  level 
ground,  suffered  less,  and  most  of  this  division  safely  reached 
the  city.  Of  the  rest,  those  who  survived  after  the  enemy 
were  weary  with  slaughter  took  refuge  at  Veii,  imagining  that 
all  was  over  with  Rome. 


The  battle 
of  the  Allia, 
390  B.C. 

Plutarch, 
Camillus,  13. 


70     Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 

The  Gauls  On  the  third  day  after  the  battle  Brennus   (the  Gallic 

sack  Rome.     cnief)   came  at   the  head  of  his  army  to  attack  the  city. 
cliS/Ii  22.  Seeing  the  gates  open  and  no  guards  on  the  walls,  he  at  first 
feared  some  ambuscade,  as  he  could  not  believe  that  the 
Romans  had  so  utterly  despaired  of  themselves.     When  he 
discovered  the  truth,  he  marched  through  the  Colline  Gate, 
and  captured  Rome  a  little  more  than  three  hundred  and 
sixty  years  after  its  foundation,  if  we  can  believe  that  any  ac- 
curate record  has  been  kept  of  those  earlier  periods. 
The  siege  of       (First  the  barbarians  plundered  and  burned  the  city,  while 
the  Capitol.     tne  Romans  held  only  the  Capitoline  Mount.)     Encouraged 
SwS//ir  2     kv  their  chief,  the  Gauls  eagerly  volunteered  an  assault  on 
the  Capitol.     About  midnight  many  of  them  climbed  silently 
up  the  rock,  which  although   rough   and   precipitous   was 
easier  of  ascent  than  they  had  imagined  ;  so  that  the  first  of 
them  reached  the  top,  and  were  on  the  point  of  attacking 
the  rampart  and  its  sleeping  garrison,  for  neither  men  nor 
dogs  noticed  them. 

But  there  were  sacred  geese  kept  in  the  temple  of  Juno, 
which  in  other  times  were  fed  without  stint,  but  which  then, 
as  there  was  scarcely  food  enough  for  the  men,  were  some- 
what neglected.  These  birds  are  naturally  quick  of  hearing 
and  timid ;  and  now  rendered  wakeful  and  wild  by  hunger, 
they  quickly  perceived  the  Gauls  climbing  up,  and  rushing 
noisily  to  the  place,  awoke  the  garrison. 

The  Gauls,  feeling  that  they  were  discovered,  no  longer 
preserved  silence,  but  violently  assaulted  the  place.  The 
Romans  snatched  whatever  arms  came  first  to  hand  and  ran 
to  repel  them.  First  of  all  Manlius,  a  man  of  consular  rank, 
strong  of  body  and  full  of  courage,  fell  in  with  two  of  the 
enemy.  As  one  of  them  lifted  up  his  battle-axe,  Manlius 
cut  off  the  right  hand  with  his  sword,  while  he  dashed  his 
shield  into  another's  face  and  threw  him  backward  down  the 
cliff.  Then  he  stood  upon  the  wall,  and  with  the  help  of 
those  who  gathered  round  him,  beat  off  the  rest,  for  not 
many  had  reached  the  top  or  effected  anything  equal  to  the 


Camillus  7 1 

boldness  of  the  attempt.  After  thus  escaping  the  danger, 
the  Romans  threw  their  sentinel  down  the  rock,  whereas  on 
Manlius  they  conferred  by  vote  a  reward  for  his  bravery. 

(Afterward  the  Romans  on  the  Capitoline  Mount  came   "Woe to 
to  terms  with  the  enemy.)     Brennus,  the  Gallic  chief,  and  quished ! " 
Sulpicius,  a  Roman  leader  of  the  commons,  met,  and  it  was   piutarch 
agreed  that  the  Romans  should  pay  a  thousand  pounds  of    Camillus,  28. 
gold,  and  that  on  receiving  it,  the  Gauls  should  at  once 
leave  the  country.     Both   parties  swore  to  observe  these 
conditions ;  but   while   the   gold  was   being  weighed,   the 
Gauls  at  first  stealthily  tampered  with  the  scales  and  then 
openly  pulled  the  beam,  so  that  the  Romans  became  angry. 
Thereupon  Brennus  insolently  took  off  his  sword  and  belt 
and  threw  them  into  the  scale ;  and  when  Sulpicius  asked, 
"  What  is  this?  "  he  replied,  "  Woe  to  the  vanquished  !  " 

While  the  Romans  were  thus  disputing  with  the  Gauls   Camillus 
and  with  one  another,  Camillus  with  his  army  was  at  the  rescue. 
gates.     Learning  what  was  going  on  within,  he  ordered  the   piutarch, 
mass  of  his  soldiers  to  follow  him  quietly  and  in  good  order,    Camillus,  29. 
while  he  pushed  on  with  the  picked  troops   to  join  the 
Romans,  who  all  made  way  for  him  and  received  him  as  their 
dictator  with  silence  and  respect.     He  then  took  the  gold  p.  85. 
from  the  scales  and  gave  it  to  his  lictors,  and  ordered  the  Rome,  p.  27 ; 
Gauls  to  take  the  scales  and  the  beam  and  depart ;  "  for  it  jyJaS 
is  the  custom  of  the  Romans,"  he  said,  "  to  defend  their  p.  273. 
country  not  with  gold  but  with  iron." 

In  this  way  Rome  was  strangely  taken  and  yet  more  Plutarch, 
strangely  rescued,  after  the  Gauls  had  held  it  more  than 
ten  months.  .  .  .  Camillus,  as  we  may  easily  imagine, 
entered  the  city  in  triumph  as  the  saviour  of  his  lost  country 
and  the  restorer  of  Rome ;  for  as  he  drove  into  the  city  he 
was '  accompanied  by  those  who  had  before  left  it,  and  by 
their  wives  and  children,  while  those  who  had  been  besieged 
in  the  Capitol,  and  all  but  starved  there,  came  out  to  meet 
him,  embracing  one  another,  weeping,  and  scarcely  believing 
in  their  present  happiness. 


72      Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 


A  half- 
century  of 
success, 
390-340  B.c. 


(First  Sam- 
nite  War, 
343-341  B.C. 
For  the  previ- 
ous alliance, 
see  Rome, 
p.  49.) 

The  Great 
Latin  War, 
340-338  B.C. 

Livy  viii.  6. 


The  story  of 
Titus  Man- 
lius. 

Livy,  viii.  7. 


The  Samnite  and  Latin  Wars 

(The  half  century  after  the  departure  of  the  Gauls  and  the 
rebuilding  of  the  city  was  a  time  of  great  military  success 
for  Rome.  On  every  side  she  was  victorious  over  her  ene- 
mies, and  either  won  new  territory  or  secured  more  thorough 
control  of  the  lands  she  had  already  acquired.  In  this 
period  she  came  into  contact  with  Samnium,  the  most 
powerful  nation  in  the  interior  of  the  peninsula.  For  a 
time  the  two  states  were  allies,  but  afterward  engaged  in 
war  against  each  other.  The  Romans  were  successful  in 
this  war,  but  in  the  year  after  it  closed,  war  broke  out  be- 
tween them  and  the  Latins,  their  former  allies.) 

What  excited  the  attention  of  the  Romans  was  that  they 
had  to  contend  against  Latins,  who  were  like  themselves 
in  language,  in  manners,  in  arms,  and  more  especially  in 
military  institutions.  Soldiers  had  been  mixed  with  soldiers, 
centurions  with  centurions,  tribunes  with  tribunes,  as  com- 
rades and  colleagues,  in  the  same  armies  and  often  in  the 
same  companies.  Lest  this  might  involve  the  soldiers  in 
mistakes,  the  consuls  commanded  that  no  one  without 
orders  should  fight  an  enemy. 

It  happened  that  among  the  prefects  of  the  troops  who 
had  been  sent  out  in  all  directions  to  reconnoitre,  Titus 
Manlius,  the  consul's  son,  came  with  his  troop  to  the  rear 
of  the  enemy's  camp,  so  near  that  he  was  scarcely  distant 
a  dart's  throw  from  the  next  post.  In  that  place  were  some 
Tusculan  cavalry  under  Geminus  Maecius,  a  man  distin- 
guished among  his  fellow-citizens  by  birth  and  deeds. 
When  he  recognized  the  Roman  cavalry  and  prominent 
among  them  the  consul's  son  marching  at  their  head,  —  for 
they  were  all  known  to  each  other,  especially  the  leaders,  — 
he  exclaimed,  "  Romans,  are  you  planning  with  a  single 
troop  to  wage  war  upon  the  Latins  and  their  allies?  What 
meantime  will  the  consuls  and  their  two  armies  be  doing?  " 

"They  will  be  here  in  good  time,"  Manlius  replied,  "and 


An  Imprudent  Youth  73 

with  them  will  be  Jupiter  himself  as  a  witness  of  the  treaties 
you  have  violated ;  he  is  stronger  and  more  powerful  than 
they.  If  we  fought  at  Lake  Regillus  until  you  had  quite 
enough,  here  too  we  shall  make  the  battle  bring  you  no 
great  joy."  In  reply  Geminus,  advancing  some  distance 
from  his  own  party,  said,  "  Before  that  day  when  you  are  to 
put  your  armies  in  motion  with  such  mighty  labor,  do  you 
choose  to  enter  the  lists  with  me  that,  from  the  result  of 
a  contest  between  us  two,  it  may  be  seen  how  much  a  Latin 
excels  a  Roman  knight?  " 

Either  resentment  or  shame  at  declining  the  contest,  or  He  accepts  a 
the  invincible  power  of  fate,  roused  the  spirit  of  the  youth.  challenge- 
Forgetful  therefore  of  his  father's  command  and  of  the  con- 
sul's edict,  he  rushed  headlong  to  that  contest  in  which  it 
mattered  little  whether  he  met  victory  or  defeat.  As  the 
other  knights  withdrew  some  distance  to  watch  the  fight, 
the  champions  in  the  clear  space  between  the  troops  spurred 
on  their  horses  against  each  other.  When  they  met  in 
fierce  conflict,  the  spear  of  Manlius  passed  over  the  helmet 
of  his  foe,  that  of  Msecius  across  the  neck  of  the  other's 
horse.  Then  as  they  wheeled  their  horses  round,  Manlius 
rose  to  repeat  the  blow.  He  fixed  his  javelin  between  the 
ears  of  his  foeman's  steed.  In  pain  the  animal  raised  his 
fore  paws  high,  violently  tossed  his  head,  and  shook  his 
rider  off.  While  Geminus  was  leaning  on  his  spear  and 
buckler  to  raise  himself  from  his  heavy  fall,  Manlius  pierced 
his  throat  so  that  the  steel  passed  out  through  the  ribs  and 
pinned  him  to  the  ground. 

Collecting  the  spoils,  the  victor  returned  to  his  own  party,  He  brings 
and  with  his  exulting  troop  he  proceeded  to  the  camp  and  Jis  father.0 
then  to  the  general's  tent  —  to  his  father.  The  young  man 
was  ignorant  of  what  awaited  him,  whether  praise  or  punish- 
ment. "  Father,"  he  cried,  "  that  all  may  truly  say  I  am 
sprung  from  your  blood,  —  when  challenged  I  slew  my  foe, 
and  have  taken  from  him  these  knightly  spoils."  When  the 
consul  heard  these  words,  he  instantly  turned  from  his  son, 


74      Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 


"Manlian 
orders  "  ful- 
filled. 


How  the 

Samnites 
levied  their 
troops. 


and  ordered  the  soldiers  assembled  by  sound  of  trumpet. 
When  they  had  come  together  in  great  numbers,  he  said, 
"  You,  Titus  Manlius,  revering  neither  the  consular  power 
nor  a  father's  majesty,  have  fought  against  the  enemy  con- 
trary to  our  orders,  and  as  far  as  in  you  lay,  have  subverted 
military  discipline,  through  which  the  Roman  power  has 
stood  to  this  day.  As  .you  have  compelled  me  to  forget 
either  the  republic  or  myself  and  mine,  we  shall  expiate  our 
own  sins  rather  than  permit  the  republic  to  suffer  so  serious 
a  loss  by  our  misdeeds.  We  shall  be  a  sad  example  but  a 
profitable  one  to  the  youth  of  future  ages.  As  for  me,  the 
natural  affection  for  my  children,  as  well  as  that  bravery 
which  has  led  you  astray  by  the  false  notion  of  honor,  draws 
me  to  you.  But  since  either  the  authority  of  consuls  is  to  be 
established  by  your  death,  or  by  your  forgiveness  to  be  forever 
annulled,  I  think  not  even  you,  if  you  have  our  blood  in  your 
veins,  will  refuse  by  your  punishment  to  restore  the  military 
discipline  your  conduct  has  overthrown.  Go,  lictor,  bind 
him  to  the  stake." 

All  stood  motionless  more  through  fear  than  discipline, 
astonished  by  so  cruel  an  order,  each  looking  on  the  axe  as 
if  drawn  against  himself.  Therefore  they  stood  in  profound 
silence ;  but  when  the  blood  spurted  from  his  severed  neck, 
their  minds  suddenly  recovered  from  stupefaction,  and  their 
voices  rose  together  in  free  expressions  of  complaint.  They 
spared  neither  lamentation  nor  curses.  The  body  of  the 
youth,  covered  with  the  spoils,  was  burned  on  a  pile  outside 
the  rampart  with  all  the  military  zeal  which  could  attend  a 
funeral ;  and  "  Manlian  orders  "  were  not  only  viewed  with 
horror  for  the  present  but  remembered  as  most  austere  by 
future  ages. 

(The  war  did  not  continue  long  before  the  Latins  sub- 
mitted. Afterward  Rome  waged  two  more  wars  with  Sam- 
nium.  The  people  of  this  country  had  some  peculiar  customs. 
The  following  passage  shows  how  they  levied  their  troops  and 
how  they  equipped  themselves  and  fought.) 


The  Linen  Legion  75 

When  orders  were  issued  for  all  to  assemble  at  Aquilonia,    (Second  war 
the  whole  strength  of  Samnium  came  together,  amounting   samnium 
to  forty  thousand  men.     There  in  the  middle  of  the  camp  326-304  b'.c.  ; 
a  piece  of  ground  two  hundred  feet  square  was  enclosed  with  Iqs^^b.c.) 
hurdles  and  boards,  and  covered  overhead  with  linen  cloth.   Livy  x.  38. 
In  this  place  sacrifices  were  performed  according  to  direc- 
tions read  from  an  old  linen  book.   The  priest  was  a  very  old 
man  named  Ovius  Paccius,  who  affirmed  that  he  took  these 
ceremonies  from  the  ancient  ritual  of  the  Samnites,  the  same 
which  their  ancestors  used  when  they  had  formed  the  secret  Rome,  p.  49. 
design  of  wresting  Capua  from  the  Etruscans. 

When  the  sacrifices  were  finished,  the  general  ordered  a 
beadle  to  summon  all  who  were  most  highly  distinguished 
by  their  birth  or  conduct.  They  were  brought  in  singly. 
Besides  other  ceremonies  calculated  to  impress  the  mind 
with  religious  dread,  altars  were  erected  in  the  middle  of  the 
covered  enclosure,  and  about  them  were  placed  the  victims 
slain.  Centurions  stood  round  with  their  swords  drawn. 
The  soldier  was  led  up  to  the  altars,  rather  like  a  victim  than 
a  partaker  of  the  ceremony,  and  was  bound  by  an  oath  not 
to  divulge  what  he  should  see  and  hear  in  that  place.  He 
was  then  compelled  to  swear  in  a  dreadful  form,  invoking 
curses  on  his  own  person,  his  family,  and  his  race,  if  he  did 
not  go  to  battle  withersoever  the  commanders  should  lead, 
and  if  he  fled  from  the  field  or  failed  to  kill  any  whom  he 
saw  fleeing. 

At  first  some  refused  to  take  the  oath  and  were  therefore 
put  to  death  round  the  altars.  Lying  among  the  slain  ani- 
mals, they  served  afterward  as  a  warning  to  others  not  to 
refuse.  When  those  of  the  first  rank  in  the  Samnite  nation 
had  been  bound  under  these  solemn  oaths,  the  general  nomi- 
nated ten,  whom  he  ordered  to  choose  each  a  man,  and  so 
to  proceed  until  they  should  fill  up  the  number  of  sixteen 
thousand.  From  the  covering  of  the  enclosure  in  which 
the  nobles  were  thus  devoted,  this  body  of  troops  was  called 
the  Linen  Legion. 


y6     Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 

How  the  They  were  furnished  with  splendid  armor  and   plumed 

were"*'8        helmets  to  distinguish  them  from  the  rest.     Another  force, 
equipped,       amounting  to  somewhat  more  than  twenty  thousand,  was 
they  fought.   not  inferior  to  the  Linen  Legion  in  personal  appearance, 
in  warlike  renown,  or  in  equipment.     This  number,  com- 
posing the   main  strength  of   the   nation,   was    levied   at 
Aquilonia. 
Livyix.  40.  The  war  with  the  Samnites  was  full  of  danger  but  the 

issue  was  glorious.  Along  with  their  careful  preparation 
for  the  field,  they  made  their  troops  glitter  with  decora- 
tions on  their  armor.  The  army  was  in  two  divisions,  one 
of  which  had  their  shields  embossed  with  gold,  the  other 
with  silver.  The  shield  they  wore  was  broad  and  flat  above, 
to  cover  the  breast  and  shoulders ;  below  it  tapered  to  a 
point  so  that  it  could  be  easily  wielded.  A  loose  corselet 
protected  the  breast  and  a  greave  covered  the  left  leg. 
Their  helmets  were  adorned  with  plumes  to  make  the 
soldiers  seem  taller.  The  golden-armed  troops  wore  gayly 
colored  tunics,  the  silver-armed  were  dressed  in  white  linen. 
On  the  right  stood  the  silver  corps,  the  golden  on  the  left. 
When  the  Romans  heard  of  these  splendid  equipments, 
their  commander  said  to  them,  "  A  soldier  should  be  rough  ; 
he  should  put  his  trust  not  in  silver  and  golden  decorations 
but  in  his  sword.  The  enemy's  finery  is  spoil  not  armor. 
Glittering  before  the  battle,  it  will  soon  be  disfigured  by 
blood  and  blows.  The  soldier's  brightest  ornament  is 
bravery.  These  trinkets  will  follow  victory,  these  rich 
enemies  will  be  valuable  prizes  to  us  who  conquer,  poor 
-     though  we  may  be." 

After  animating  the  men  with  these  remarks,  (Lucius 
Papirius)  Cursor  led  them  on  to  battle.  He  occupied  the 
right  wing,  his  master  of  horse  the  left.  As  soon  as  the 
fight  began,  the  struggle  between  the  opposing  armies  be- 
came desperate.  No  less  earnest  was  the  rivalry  between 
the  dictator  and  his  master  of  horse  as  to  which  wing  should 
first  gain  the  victory.     It  happened  that  Junius  (the  master 


Splendid  Spoils  yy 

of  horse)  first  made  the  enemy's  right  give  way.  This 
division  of  the  Samnites  consisted  of  men  who  had  been 
devoted  according  to  their  custom,  and  who  were  therefore 
arrayed  in  a  white  uniform  and  in  armor  of  equal  whiteness. 
Crying  out  that  he  would  sacrifice  them  to  Pluto,  Junius 
pressed  forward  and  caused  their  line  to  waver.  As  the 
dictator  saw  this  movement  he  exclaimed,  "Shall  victory 
begin  on  the  left  wing,  and  shall  the  right,  the  dictator's 
own  troops,  only  second  the  arms  of  others  and  not  claim 
the  greater  share  of  the  victory?"  This  spurred  the 
soldiers  on.  Neither  did  the  cavalry  yield  to  the  infantry 
in  daring  nor  the  lieutenants  to  the  commanders.  Marcius 
Valerius  on  the  right  wing  and  Publius  Decius  on  the  left, 
both  men  of  consular  rank,  rode  off  to  the  cavalry  at  the 
ends  of  the  line  ;  and  encouraging  them  to  share  the  honor, 
charged  the  enemy  in  the  flanks.  When  this  new  alarm 
assailed  the  enemy  on  both  sides,  and  the  Roman  legions 
rushed  forward  with  shouts  to  confuse  the  foe,  the  Samnites 
took  to  flight.  And  now  the  plain  was  soon  filled  with 
heaps  of  bodies  and  splendid  armor.  At  first  the  dismayed 
Samnites  took  shelter  in  their  camp ;  but  they  did  not 
hold  it  long.  Before  night  it  was  captured,  plundered,  and 
burned.  By  a  decree  of  the  senate  the  dictator  triumphed  ;  Rome,  p.  415 
and  in  his  procession  far  the  most  splendid  sight  was  the  ^[jj£ff 
captured  armor ;  so  magnificent  was  it  deemed  that  the  p.  282. ' 
shields,  ornamented  with  gold,  were  distributed  among 
the  owners  of  the  silver  shops  to  adorn  the  Forum. 

Pyrrhus 

(After  the  conquest  of  Samnium  Rome  designed  to  win  war 
control  of  all  southern  Italy.     She  openly  broke  her  treaty  jjjJ^JL 
with  the  people  of  Tarentum,  who  called  on  Pyrrhus,  king  Pyrrhus, 
of  Epirus,  for  help.)  281-272  b.c 

He  was  indeed  a  soldier  worthy  to  command   soldiers, 
the  only  king   of  the  age   in  whom  could  be  traced  any 


j8      Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 


Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus,  8. 


Greece,  p. 
318. 


(A  general 
then  living, 
who  had 
been  an  offi- 
cer under 
Alexander 
the  Great.) 


(Little  else  is 
known  of 
Aeropus.) 


likeness  to  the  great  Alexander.  By  the  fire  and  the 
energy  of  his  movements  in  the  field  of  battle,  Pyrrhus 
revived  the  image  of  that  hero ;  other  kings  mimicked  him 
only  in  their  behavior  and  in  the  trappings  and  state  of 
royalty.  We  can  form  an  opinion  of  his  knowledge  and 
skill  in  military  affairs  from  the  writings  which  he  has  left 
on  these  subjects.  It  is  said,  too,  that  Antigonus  when 
asked  who  was  the  greatest  general  answered,  "  Pyrrhus,  if 
he  lives  to  be  old,"  for  he  was  speaking  of  the  generals 
of  his  time  only.  Hannibal,  however,  considered  Pyrrhus 
to  have  been  the  best  general  that  ever  lived  for  skill  and 
resource,  placing  Scipio  next  and  himself  third,  as  is  written 
in  the  life  of  Scipio. 

In  fact  Pyrrhus  devoted  the  whole  of  his  intellect  to  the 
art  of  war ;  for  he  regarded  it  as  the  only  study  fit  for  a 
king,  and  held  all  other  occupations  frivolous.  At  a  wine 
party  he  was  once  asked  whether  he  thought  Python  or 
Caphisias  the  better  flute-player,  to  which  he  answered  that 
Polysperchon  was  the  best  general,  as  though  that  were  the 
only  subject  on  which  a  king  should  form  or  express  an 
opinion. 

Yet  he  was  mild- tempered  and  gentle  toward  his  friends, 
full  of  gratitude  for  kindness  and  eager  to  repay  it.  He 
grieved  greatly  over  the  death  of  Aeropus,  not  so  much  be- 
cause he  was  dead,  for  that,  he  said,  was  the  common  lot  of 
mankind,  but  because  he  had  himself  delayed  repaying  Aero- 
pus a  kindness  until  it  was  too  late.  "  Debts  of  money,"  he 
said,  "  can  be  paid  to  the  heirs  of  a  creditor,  but  men  of 
honor  are  grieved  at  not  being  able  to  return  a  kindness  dur- 
ing the  lifetime  of  their  benefactor."  In  Ambracia  Pyrrhus 
was  once  advised  to  banish  a  man  who  abused  him  in  scur- 
rilous terms.  He  answered,  "  I  would  rather  he  remained 
where  he  is,  and  abuse  me  there  than  that  he  should  wander 
through  all  the  world  doing  so." 

Pyrrhus  might  have  spent  his  days  peacefully  ruling  his 
own  subjects  in  Epirus;  but  he  could  not  endure  repose, 


Tarentum  79 

for  he  thought  a  life  free  from  troubling  others  and  from   Tarentum 
being  troubled  was  unendurable;  and  like  Achilles  in  the  ^Jlteshls 

IUadi  tt  ,  ,  L  Plutarch, 

He  could  not  rest  in  indolence  at  home,  Pyrrhus,  13. 

He  longed  for  battle  and  the  joys  of  war. 

As  he  desired  some  new  adventures,  he  embraced  the 
following  opportunity.  Rome  was  at  war  with  the  Taren-  281-272  b.c. 
tines ;  and  as  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  carry  on  the 
contest,  and  yet  were  not  allowed  by  the  audacious  folly  of 
their  mob  orators  to  make  peace,  they  proposed  to  choose 
Pyrrhus  leader  and  to  invite  him  to  be  their  ally  in  the  war, 
for  he  was  then  more  at  leisure  than  any  of  the  other  kings 
and  also  was  the  best  general  of  all.  .  .  . 

Thus  they  voted  for  war  and  sent  ambassadors  to  Epirus, 
not  from  Tarentum  alone  but  from  the  other  Greek  cities  in 
Italy.  These  delegates  carried  presents  to  Pyrrhus  and  were 
instructed  to  tell  him  that  they  required  a  leader  of  skill  and 
renown,  and  that  they  possessed  a  force  of  Lucanians,  Mes- 
sapians,  Samnites,  and  Tarentines  which  amounted  to  twenty 
thousand  cavalry  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  infan- 
try. This  information  not  only  excited  Pyrrhus,  but  made 
all  the  Epirots  eager  to  take  part  in  the  campaign. 

When  Pyrrhus  arrived  at  Tarentum,  he  did  nothing  to  dis-   He  disci- 
please  the  people  till  his  fleet  reached  the  coast  and  he  had   Tarentines. 
gathered  the  greater  part  of  his  army.     Then  as  he  saw  that   piutarci, 
the  populace,  unless    ruled  by  a   strong  hand,  could  help   Pyrrhus,  16. 
neither  him  nor  themselves,  but  intended  to  stay  idling  about 
their  baths  and  entertainments  at  home  while  he  fought  their 
battles,  he  closed  the  gymnasia   and   the   public  walks,  in 
which  the  people  were  wont  to  waste  their  time  in  empty 
talk  about  the  war.     He  forbade  all  drinking,  feasting,  and 
unreasonable  revels,  and  forced  the  people  to  take  arms. 
In  carrying  out  this  order  he  showed  himself  inexorable  to 
every  one  who  was  on  the  muster-roll  of  able-bodied  citizens. 
This  conduct  made  him  greatly  disliked,  and  many  of  the 
Tarentines  left  the  city  in  disgust ;  for  they  were  so  unused  to 


80     Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 

discipline  that  inability  to  pass  their  lives  as  they  chose  they 
considered  to  be  no  better  than  slavery. 
The  battle  of  (When  Pyrrhus  heard  that  the  Roman  army  had  come 
Heraclea,  jnt0  Lucarna  to  oppose  him,  he  marched  forth  to  meet  it  at 
Heraclea.)  Learning  that  the  Romans  were  near,  and  were 
encamping  on  the  farther  side  of  the  river  Siris,  he  rode  down 
to  the  river  to  view  them.  When  he  saw  their  even  ranks, 
their  orderly  movements,  and  their  well-arranged  camp,  he 
was  surprised,  and  said  to  the  nearest  of  his  friends,  "  These 
barbarians,  Megacles,  have  nothing  barbarian  in  their  military 
discipline,  but  we  shall  soon  learn  what  they  can  do." 

He  began  already  to  feel  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  issue 
of  the  campaign,  and  determined  to  wait  till  his  allies  came 
up,  and  until  then  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  Romans 
and  prevent  their  crossing  the  river.  As  they  perceived  his 
object,  however,  they  quickly  crossed  the  river,  the  infantry 
at  a  ford,  the  cavalry  at  many  points  at  once,  so  that  the 
Greeks,  fearing  that  they  might  be  surrounded,  drew 
back. 

Perceiving  the  movement,  Pyrrhus  ordered  his  officers  in- 
stantly to  form  the  troops  in  order  of  battle  and  wait  under 
arms  while  he  himself  charged  with  the  cavalry,  three  thou- 
sand strong,  for  he  hoped  to  catch  the  Romans  in  the  act  of 
crossing  the  river  and  consequently  in  disorder.  When  he 
saw  many  shields  of  the  Roman  infantry  appearing  over 
the  river  bank  and  their  horsemen  all  ranged  in  order,  he 
closed  up  his  own  ranks  and  charged  them.  He  himself 
took  the  lead,  a  conspicuous  figure  in  his  beautiful  glittering 
armor,  and  he  proved  by  his  exploits  that  he  deserved  his 
high  reputation;  for  though  he  fought  personally  and  en- 
gaged in  combat  with  the  enemy,  he  continually  watched  the 
whole  battle,  and  handled  his  troops  with  as  much  facility  as 
though  he  were  not  in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  appearing  always 
where  his  presence  was  most  needed  and  reenforcing  those 
who  seemed  likely  to  give  way.  (Pyrrhus  won  a  hard-fought 
battle.) 


Cineas  8 1 

There  was  a  certain  Cineas,  a  Thessalian,  who  was  con-  The 

sidered  a  man  of  good  judgment,  and  who  having  heard  chieasSy  ° 

Demosthenes  the  orator  speak,  was  better  able  than  any  of  Piutarch 

the  speakers  of  his  age  to  delight  his  hearers  with  an  imita-  Pyrrkus,  14. 

tion  of  the  eloquence  of  that  great  master  of  rhetoric.     He  Greece, 

was  now  in  the  service  of  Pyrrhus,  and  being  sent  about  to  v^fent  His- 

various  cities,  proved  true  the  proverb  of  Euripides  that —  tory,  p.  187. 

All  can  be  done  by  words 
Which  foemen  wish  to  do  with  conquering  swords. 

Pyrrhus  used  to  say  that  more  cities  were  won  for  him 
by  Cineas  with  words  than  he  himself  won  by  force  of  arms. 
.  .  .  (Wishing  to  make  peace  with  Rome,)  Pyrrhus  sent  piutarch, 
Cineas  as  ambassador  to  conduct  the  negotiations.  He  con-  Pyrrhus>  l8« 
versed  with  the  leading  men  of  Rome  and  offered  their  wives 
and  children  presents  from  the  king.  No  one,  however, 
would  accept  the  gifts,  but  all,  men  and  women  alike,  replied 
that  if  peace  were  publicly  made  with  the  king,  they  would 
then  have  no  objection  to  regarding  him  as  a  friend.  And 
when  Cineas  spoke  before  the  senate  in  a  winning  and  per- 
suasive manner,  he  could  make  no  impression  upon  his 
audience.  .  .  .  The  common  people,  however,  were  evi- 
dently eager  for  peace,  because  they  had  been  defeated  in 
one  great  battle,  and  expected  that  they  would  have  to  fight 
another,  —  against  a  larger  force,  because  the  Italian  states 
would  join  Pyrrhus. 

At  this  crisis  Appius  Claudius  (Caucus),  an  illustrious '  Appius 
man,  who  had  long  been  prevented  by  old  age  and  blind- 
ness from  taking  an  active  part  in  politics,  hearing  of  the 
proposals  of  Pyrrhus  and  learning  that  the  question  of  peace 
or  war  was  about  to  be  voted  upon  in  the  senate,  could  no 
longer  endure  to  stay  at  home,  but  caused  his  sons  to  carry 
him  in  a  litter  through  the  Forum  to  the  senate-house. 
When  he  reached  the  doors  of  the  senate-house,  his  sons 
and  his  sons-in-law  supported  him  and  guided  him  as  he 
entered,  while  all  the  assembly  observed  a  respectful  silence. 


Claudius 
Caecus. 


82      Rome  becomes  Supreme  in   Italy 

(Compare  (He  then  spoke  against  the  proposal  to  treat  with  Pyrrhus 

roe  doc-°n"      while  this  Epirot  king  remained  in  the  peninsula.     Italy  for 
trine.")  the  Italians  was  the  new  principle  which  he  set  forth.     In 

conclusion  he  said,)  "  Do  not  imagine  that  you  will  rid  your- 
selves of  this  man  by  making  a  treaty  with  him.  Rather  you 
will  encourage  other  Greek  princes  to  invade  you,  for  they 
will  despise  you  and  think  you  an  easy  prey  to  all  men,  if  you 
let  Pyrrhus  go  home  again  without  paying  the  penalty  for  his 
outrages  upon  you,  nay  with  the  power  to  boast  that  he  has 
made  Rome  a  laughing-stock  for  Tarentines  and  Samnites  !  " 
By  his  words  Appius  roused  a  warlike  spirit  in  the  Romans, 
and  they  dismissed  Cineas  with  the  answer  that  if  Pyrrhus 
would  leave  Italy,  they  would  if  he  wished  discuss  the  question 
of  alliance  with  him,  but  that  while  he  remained  in  arms  in 
their  country,  the  Romans  would  fight  him  to  the  death.  .  .  . 
During  his  mission  at  Rome  Cineas  is  said  to  have  taken  a 
keen  interest  in  examining  the  national  life  and  institutions 
of  the  Romans,  and  to  have  fully  appreciated  the  excellence 
of  their  political  constitution,  of  which  he  learned  by  con- 
versing with  many  of  the  leading  men  of  the  state.  On  his 
return  he  told  Pyrrhus  that  the  senate  seemed  to  him  like  an 
assembly  of  kings. 
Pyrrhus  and  After  this  event  Gaius  Fabricius  came  to  arrange  terms 
Fabricius.  for  ^e  exchange  of  prisoners.  He  was  a  man  whom  Cineas 
^PyrrAus' 20  sa*^  tne  R°mans  valued  especially  for  his  virtue  and  bravery, 
but  who  was  very  poor.  Pyrrhus,  therefore,  entertained 
•  Fabricius  privately  and  offered  him  money,  not  as  a  bribe 
for  a  base  act,  but  as  a  pledge  of  sincere  friendship.  Fa- 
bricius refused.  Desiring  to  make  an  impression  on  him, 
Pyrrhus  waited  till  next  day,  and  as  his  guest  had  never  seen 
an  elephant,  the  king  had  his  largest  elephant  placed  behind 
Fabricius  during  their  conference,  concealed  by  a  curtain. 
At  a  given  signal  the  curtain  was  withdrawn,  when  with  a 
harsh  and  terrible  cry  the  creature  stretched  out  his  trunk 
over  the  head  of  Fabricius,  who  quietly  turned  round  and 
said  to  Pyrrhus,  "  You  could  not  move  me  with  your  gold 
yesterday  nor  can  you  move  me  with  your  beast  to-day." 


Why  Pyrrhus  failed  83 

After  spending  six  years  of  constant  fighting  in  Italy  and   The  failure 
Sicily,  Pyrrhus  failed.     During  this  time  he  lost  a  great  part   °     yrr  us" 
of  his  force,  but  always,  even  in  his  defeats,  kept  his  reputa-   /^XL/26. 
tion  for  invincible  bravery.     In  warlike  skill  and  personal 
strength  and  daring  he  was  thought  to  be  by  far  the  first 
prince  of  his  age.     Yet  he  always  threw  away  the  advantages 
which  he  had  gained,  to  follow  some  chimerical  scheme  of 
further  conquest.     He  was  unable  to  take  proper  measures 
for  the  present  because  of  his  eagerness  for  the  future. 

(Soon  after  Pyrrhus  had  withdrawn  from  the  peninsula, 
the  Romans  conquered  Tarentum  and  made  themselves 
masters  of  all  Lower  Italy.) 

STUDIES 

1.  What  were  the  provisions  of  the  first  treaty  between  Rome  and 
Carthage  ?  From  this  treaty  what  may  we  infer  as  to  the  relations 
between  these  states  ?  as  to  their  comparative  power  ? 

2.  What  does  the  myth  of  Horatius  at  the  bridge  teach  in  regard 
to  Roman  character  ?  Did  Lars  Porsena  or  the  Romans  have  the 
advantage  in  the  treaty  then  concluded  ? 

3.  What  were  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  between  Rome  and  La- 
tium  ?     Does  the  treaty  represent  the  two  powers  as  equal  ? 

4.  What  light  does  the  myth  of  Coriolanus  throw  (i)  on  Roman 
patriotism,  (2)  on  family  affections  ? 

5.  From  the  maps  {Rome,  pp.  I,  41 ;  Ancient  History,  pp.  255,  283) 
describe  the  location  of  Latium,  Etruria,  Carthage,  the  Volscians,  the 
^Fquians,  Veii,  the  Allia,  Samnium,  Tarentum,  and  Lucania. 

6.  Give  an  account  of  the  siege  of  Veii.  What  features  of  the 
story  seem  to  be  mythical  ?  Write  a  biography  of  Camillus,  including 
a  description  of  his  character.    Was  he  patriotic  ?   Compare  Coriolanus. 

7.  Give  an  account  of  the  Gallic  invasion  and  of  the  sack  of  Rome. 

8.  In  what  respects  were  the  Latins  and  the  Romans  alike  ?  What 
may  we  learn  of  Roman  character  from  the  story  of  Titus  Manlius  ? 

9.  How  did  the  Samnites  levy  and  equip  their  troops  ?  Were  the 
Samnites  or  the  Romans  the  better  fighters  ? 

10.  Write  a  biography  of  Pyrrhus,  and  describe  his  character.  As 
a  man  and  a  general  how  does  he  compare  with  the  most  famous 
Romans  ?     What  was  the  character  of  the  Tarentines  ? 

11.  What  were  the  leading  traits  in  the  character  of  Appius  Clau- 
dius Csecus  and  Fabricius  ? 


CHAPTER    IV 

The  Government  and  the  Political  Parties 

First  Period  of  the  Republic  —  Internal  History 
(509-264  B.C.) 


THE   GOVERNMENT 


The  Repub- 
lic, 509  B.C. 

Cicero,  Re- 
public, ii.  30. 


(Law  of 
Valerius 
Publicola.) 

The  consuls. 
Livy  ii.  1. 


Rome,  p.  27 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  273. 


After  the  kingship  had  lasted  more  than  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years,  Tarquin  was  expelled.  At  this  time  the  Ro- 
mans hated  the  name  of  king  as  much  as  they  had  once 
longed  for  the  deceased  —  or  rather  the  departed  —  Romu- 
lus. When  Tarquin  was  banished,  therefore,  the  monarchy 
came  to  an  end. 

Then  Publicola  had  a  law  passed  by  the  popular  assembly 
that  no  magistrate  should  put  to  death  or  scourge  a  Roman 
citizen  without  granting  him  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  people. 

But  we  date  the  beginning  of  liberty  from  this  period  be- 
cause the  consuls  were  annual  magistrates,  not  because  they 
had  any  less  power  than  that  of  king.  The  first  consuls  had 
all  the  privileges  and  trappings  of  royal  authority.  Care  was 
taken,  however,  that  they  might  not  appear  doubly  terrible 
by  both  having  the  (lictors  and)  fasces  at  the  same  time. 
With  the  consent  of  his  colleague  Brutus  was  first  attended 
by  the  fasces.  He  had  been  zealous  in  establishing  liberty, 
and  now  he  was  its  faithful  guardian.  First  of  all  he  required 
the  people,  while  still  enraptured  with  their  new  liberty,  to 
swear  that  they  would  never  again  suffer  a  king  to  rule  at 
Rome  j  for  he  feared  that  they  might  afterward  be  won  over 
or  bribed  by  the  royal  family.  Next,  that  a  full  list  of  mem- 
bers might  give  the  senate  more  strength,  he  chose  into  it  the 

84 


Senate  and  Magistrates  85 

principal  men  from  the  class  of  knights  so  as  to  complete 
the  number  three  hundred,  which  the  king's  murders  had 
diminished. 

Then   the  Romans  attended  to   religious   matters.     The  King  of  the 
kings  had  performed  a  part  of  the  public  worship ;  and  in  JJfjJ  ™£0_ 
order  that  their  service  might  not  be  missed,  a  king  of  the  rum-) 
sacrifices  was  appointed.     This  priestly  office  the  Romans   Livy  "• 2- 
made  subject  to  the  chief  pontiff,  in  order  that  too  great  Rome,  p.  29; 
honor,  added  to  the  name  of  king,  might  not  endanger  their  ^rctent , 2Hts~ 
liberty,  now  their  chief  care. 

In  that  period  the  senate  maintained  the  commonwealth  The  senate 
in  such  a  condition  that,  though  the  people  were  free,  they  JJ}fs#the  con" 
had  little  to  do  with  the  government ;  for  the  senate  managed   Cicero  Re_ 
nearly  all  public  business  by  its  own  authority  and  according  public,  'ii.  32. 
to  its  own  customs  and  traditions,  while  over  all,  the  consuls 
exercised  a  power  which,  though  annual,  was  by  nature  and 
law  truly  royal.    They  earnestly  enforced  that  rule  which  has 
done  so  much  to  maintain  the  power  of  the  nobles,  that  the 
acts  of  the  popular   assembly  should  not   be  valid   unless 
approved  by  the  senate.  , 

Scarcely  ten  years  after  the  first  consuls,  Titus  Lartius  was  The  dictator, 
appointed  first  dictator.     This  new  office  seemed  like  the  49»  b.c 
royal  power  restored.  Rome,  p.  68. 

Immediately  after  receiving  his  authority,  he  appointed  Dionysius  v. 
Spurius  Cassius  master  of  horse,  for  no  one  to  this  day  when  7S* 
chosen  dictator  enters  upon  his  office  without  a  master  of 
horse.  Wishing  to  make  a  display  of  his  power  for  the  pur- 
pose of  striking  terror  rather  than  for  any  real  use,  he  bade 
his  lictors  bear  through  the  city  their  axes  bound  in  rods 
(fasces).  This  was  a  custom  of  the  kings  but  abandoned  by 
the  consuls,  for  Valerius  Publicola  made  the  change  in  order 
to  render  the  consular  office  less  hateful  to  the  people. 

When  the  first  dictator  was  appointed  at  Rome,  the  people,   Livy  ii.  18. 
seeing  the  axes  carried  before  him,  were  struck  with  awe, 
so  that  they  became  more  submissive  and  more  obedient  to 
orders.     Under  the  consuls  a  citizen  oppressed  by  one  could 


86     Government  and  Political   Parties 

ask  the  aid  of  the  other ;  but  under  the  dictator  there  was 
no  such  means  of  assistance ;  neither  was  there  a  right  of 
appeal  or  any  other  resource  except  in  strict  obedience. 

The  Plebeians 


The  nobles 
oppress  the 
people. 

Sallust,  His- 
tory  (a  frag- 
ment). 

(The  patri- 
cians are  the 
nobles,  the 
plebeians  the 
commons.) 


The  people 
rebel. 


Their  dicta- 
tor resigns. 

Livy  ii.  31. 


From  the  very  beginning  of  the  republic  the  strong  were 
encroaching  on  the  weak,  and  for  this  reason  the  people 
were  alienated  from  the  senate.  After  the  expulsion  of  the 
kings  the  ruling  class  exercised  justice  and  moderation  till 
only  the  dread  of  Tarquin  and  the  fierce  war  with  Etruria 
had  subsided.  From  that  time  the  patricians  began  to 
tyrannize  over  the  plebeians  as  over  slaves,  to  scourge  and 
put  them  to  death  with  authority  like  that  of  kings,  to  expel 
them  from  their  lands,  and  excluding  them  from  the  govern- 
ment, to  keep  it  entirely  in  their  own  hands.  Greatly  op- 
pressed by  these  severities  and  still  more  by  the  illegal 
interest  on  debts,  the  people  had  also  to  contribute  taxes 
and  personal  service  for  incessant  wars. 

(Finally  when  a  war  with  the  ^quians  and  other  neigh- 
bors broke  out,  the  men  of  military  age  refused  to  enlist, 
till  the  government  appointed  as  dictator  Manius  Valerius, 
brother  of  Publicola,  a  warm  friend  of  the  people.  When 
the  dictator  had  given  his  word  that  after  the  war  they 
should  have  their  grievances  redressed,  they  readily  enlisted, 
and  soon  brought  the  war  to  a  successful  close.) 

First  of  all  Valerius  brought  before  the  senate  a  proposal 
for  the  relief  of  those  who  were  in  prison  for  debt.  And  when 
his  motion  was  rejected,  he  said,  "  I  am  not  acceptable  as  an 
adviser  of  concord.  You  will  ere  long  wish,  depend  on  it, 
that  the  commons  of  Rome  had  patrons  like  me.  For  my 
part  I  will  not  further  disappoint  my  fellow-citizens  nor  will 
1  be  dictator  to  no  purpose.  Civil  discord  and  foreign  wars 
made  this  magistrate  necessary.  Peace  has  been  secured 
abroad  but  is  impeded  at  home.  I  will  witness  the  trouble 
as  a  private  citizen,  not  as  dictator."     Then  quitting  the 


i 


The  First  Secession  87 

senate-house,  he  retired  from  his  office.  The  commons 
saw  he  had  resigned  through  indignation  at  their  wrongs, 
and  felt  that  his  engagements  to  them  were  fully  discharged, 
as  it  had  not  been  his  fault  that  they  were  not  made  good. 
When  he  was  returning  home,  accordingly,  they  attended 
him  with  shouts  of  approval. 

The  senators  feared  that  if  the  army  should  be  disbanded,  They  secede 
secret  meetings  and  conspiracies  might  be  renewed.     Now  lacred 
it  happened  that  though  the  dictator  had  levied  these  troops,   Mount, 
they  had  sworn  obedience  to  the  consuls.     As  the  senate   Livy  ii.  32. 
supposed,  therefore,  that  after  the  resignation  of  the  dictator, 
the  soldiers  would  still  be  bound  by  their  oaths  to  the  con- 
suls, it  pretended  that  a  new  war  with  the  ./Equians  was 
breaking  out.     On  this  pretext  it  ordered  the  consuls  to 
lead  the  legions  from  the  city ;  but  this  movement  merely 
hastened  the  sedition.     At  first  the  soldiers,  to  free  them- 
selves from  their  oaths,  even  thought  of  killing  the  consuls ; 
but  when  they  were  told  that  no  religious  obligation  could 
be  discharged  by  a  criminal  act,  they  took  the  advice  of 
Sicinius  to  retire  without  the  orders  of  the  consuls  to  the 
Sacred  Mount  beyond  the  river  Anio,  three  miles  from  the 
city.     This  form  of  the  story  is  more  common  than  that 
told  by  Piso,  which  states  that  the  soldiers  seceded  to  the   p.  44. 
Aventine.     There  without  any  leaders  they  fortified  their 
camp  with  a  wall  and  trench.     Taking  nothing  (from  the 
neighboring  fields)  but  what  was  necessary  for  sustenance, 
they  remained  quiet  for  several  days,  neither  attacked  nor 
attacking  others. 

Great  was  the  panic  in  the  city ;  all  were  in  suspense  A  panic  in 
through  fear  of  one  another.  The  people  left  in  the  city  the  city' 
dreaded  the  violence  of  the  senators ;  the  senators  dreaded 
the  people  who  remained  in  the  city.  The  nobles  did  not 
know  whether  they  should  prefer  the  commons  to  stay 
or  depart.  "How  long,"  they  asked,  "will  the  multitude 
which  has  seceded  remain  quiet?  What  would  result  if 
meanwhile  any  foreign  war  should  break  out?      Certainly 


88      Government  and  Political   Parties 


The  fable  of 
the  stomach 
and  limbs. 


The  tribunes 
of  the  plebs. 

Livy  ii.  33. 


493  B.C. 


no  hope  would  be  left  save  in  the  concord  of  the  citizens. 
Harmony  must  be  restored  to  the  state  by  fair  or  unfair 
means."  They  resolved  therefore  to  send  to  the  seceders 
Menenius  Agrippa,  an  eloquent  man  and  a  favorite  with 
the  people,  because  by  birth  he  was  one  of  their  number. 
Admitted  to  the  camp,  he  is  said  to  have  told  in  old-fash- 
ioned, homely  words  the  following  story. 

"  Once  when  all  the  parts  of  the  human  body  did  not,  as 
now,  agree  together,  but  the  several  members  had  each  its 
own  scheme  and  language,  the  parts  were  all  indignant  that 
their  care,  labor,  and  service  procured  everything  for  the 
use  of  the  stomach,  which  remained  idle  in  the  middle  of 
the  body  and  did  nothing  but  enjoy  itself.  They  conspired 
accordingly  that  the  hands  should  not  carry  food  to  the 
mouth,  nor  the  mouth  receive  it  when  presented,  nor  the 
teeth  chew  it.  But  while,  under  the  influence  of  this  feel- 
ing, they  were  trying  to  subdue  the  stomach  by  famine,  the 
members  themselves  and  the  entire  body  were  reduced  to 
the  last  degree  of  leanness.  In  this  way  it  became  evident 
that  the  service  of  the  stomach  was  by  no  means  a  slothful 
one ;  that  it  did  not  so  much  receive  nourishment  as  supply 
it,  sending  to  all  parts  of  the  body  this  blood  by  which  we 
live  and  possess  strength,  and  distributing  it  equally  among 
the  veins  after  it  has  been  perfected  by  the  digestion  of  the 
food."  By  showing  in  this  way  how  similar  the  internal 
sedition  of  the  body  was  to  the  resentment  of  the  people 
against  the  senators,  he  made  an  impression  on  the  minds 
of  the  multitude. 

Then  they  began  to  consider  a  reconciliation,  and  among 
the  conditions  it  was  allowed  that  the  plebeians  should  have 
their  own  magistrates,  with  inviolable  privileges,  who  should 
have  the  power  of  bringing  common  people  aid  against  the 
consuls,  and  that  it  should  not  be  lawful  for  any  of  the  pa- 
tricians to  hold  this  office.  In  this  way  two  tribunes  of  the 
plebs  were  created. 

By  the  institution  of  two  tribunes  to  appease  the  sedition 


An  Agrarian  Reformer  89 

the  people,  the  power  of  the  senate  was  lessened.     Still  Cicero,  Re- 
it  remained  dignified  and  august,  for  it  was  still  composed  ^ubltc>  n-  34- 
of  the  wisest  and  bravest  men,  who  protected  their  country 
in  peace  and  in  war.     Their  authority  was  still  strong  be- 
cause in  honor  they  were  superior  to  their  fellow-citizens. 

Spurius  Cassius 

(Some   years  afterward)    Spurius  Cassius   and   Proculus  His  agrarian 

Virginius  were  elected  consuls.     They  made  a  treaty  with  ^bc 

the  Hernicans,  according  to  which  these  people  were  de-  Li    ^ 
prived  of  two-thirds  of  their  territory.     Cassius  planned  to 

distribute  one-half  of  this  land  among  the  Latins,  the  other  that  the' Her- 

half  among  the   Roman  commons.     To  this  donation   he  nicans  were 

wished  to  add  a  considerable  portion  of  public  'land  occu-  part  of  their 

pied  by  private   persons.     This   policy  alarmed  several  of  J^d»  ^t^nl 

the  senators,  the  actual  occupiers,  for  they  were  in  danger  made  a  mis- 

of  losing  the  property.  The  senators  were  anxious,  too,  in  ta  ^ 
behalf  of  the  state,  for  by  his  gift  the  consul  was  establishing 
an  influence  dangerous  to  liberty.  This  was  the  first  pro- 
posal of  a  land  law,  which  down  to  the  time  within  our  own 
memory  has  never  been  agitated  without  the  greatest  civil 
commotion.  .  .  . 

Both   consuls   vied   with   each   other    in    humoring    the  Rivalry  of 
commons.     Virginius  said  he  would  suffer  the  lands  to  be      e  consu  s* 

assigned,  provided  they  were  assigned  to  no  one  but  to  agree  that 

Roman  citizens.    Cassius,  who  by  this  proposal  sought  popu-  this  part  of 

larity  among  the  allies,  was  therefore  lowered  in  the  esteem  uahistoncal. 

of  his  countrymen.     That  he  might  win  them  by  another  Somefea- 

•  ,-1  111  1  j    r         1       r,-    •!•         turesofitare 

gift,  he  ordered  that  the  money  received  for  the  Sicilian  taken  from 
corn  should  be  refunded  to  the  people.  This  proposal  the  Jjj^  Gracchn 
people  rejected  as  nothing  less  than  a  bribe  for  regal  au- 
thority. So  strongly  were  his  gifts  spurned  by  men,  as  if 
they  possessed  everything  in  abundance,  for  they  suspected 
that  he  was  aiming  to  obtain  sovereign  power.  As  soon  as 
he  went  out  of  office,  he  was  condemned  and  put  to  death. 


90     Government  and  Political  Parties 

Death  of  Some  think  that  his  father  was  the  person  who  inflicted 

the  punishment,  that  after  trying  his  son  at  home  he 
scourged  him  and  put  him  to  death,  and  consecrated  his 
property  to  Ceres,  and  that  from  the  money  obtained  by 
the  sale  a  statue  was  set  up  with  the  inscription  Dedi- 
cated by  the  Cassian  Family.  In  some  authors  I  find  it 
stated,  with  greater  probability,  that  the  quaestors  Caeso 
Fabius  and  Lucius  Valerius  set  a  day  for  his  trial,  on  which 
the  people  in  the  assembly  condemned  him.     By  a  decree 

t*h?earthS  °f    °*"  tn^  assembly  his  house  in  the  open  space  before  the 

Greek  Gaea.)  temple  of  Tellus  was  torn  down. 

The  Decemvirs 


The  decem- 
virs, 451-449 

B.C. 

Cicero,  Re- 
public, ii.  36. 


Their 
tyranny. 

Cicero,  Re- 
public, ii.  37. 
(In  the  best 
form  of  gov- 
ernment the 
social  ranks 
—  nobles  and 
commons  — 
are  fairly  rep- 
resented.) 

(But  cf. 
Rome,  pp. 
77-79-) 


(Afterward)  at  a  time  when  the  authority  of  the  senate 
was  great,  and  the  people  were  submissive  and  obedient,  a 
new  plan  was  adopted.  In  place  of  the  consuls  and  the 
tribunes  of  the  plebs,  ten  men  —  decemviri  —  with  abso- 
lute authority,  from  whom  there  could  be  no  appeal,  were 
elected  to  conduct  the  government  and  to  write  the  laws. 
After  they  had  compiled  ten  tables  of  the  laws  with  justice 
and  wisdom,  the  people  elected  for  the  following  year 
another  board  of  ten,  whose  integrity  and  justice  do  not 
deserve  similar  praise. 

A  third  year  followed  under  the  same  decemvirs,  who 
would  not  allow  successors  to  be  elected.  This  condition 
of  the  state,  as  I  have  often  said,  could  not  be  lasting,  for 
the  authority  was  not  distributed  among  the  social  ranks  but 
was  all  vested  in  ten  great  nobles,  who  were  limited  neither 
by  the  tribunes  of  the  plebs,  nor  by  other  magistrates,  nor 
by  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  people  in  cases  involving  the 
death  penalty  or  scourging. 

The  injustice  of  these  men  accordingly  excited  a  great 
revolution,  and  completely  changed  the  form  of  government. 
They  added  two  tables  of  unjust  laws ;  and  though  inter- 
marriages had  been  permitted  even  with  foreign  nations, 


The  Second  Secession  91 

they  by  a  most  inhuman  law  forbade  intermarriages  between 
the  patricians  and  the  plebeians,  —  a  regulation  afterward 
repealed  by  the  Canuleian  law.  Furthermore  they  intro- 
duced into  all  their  measures  corruption,  cruelty,  and 
avarice.  The  story  is  well  known,  and  celebrated  in  many 
literary  works,  that  Decimus  Verginius  was  obliged  to  stab 
his  maiden  daughter  in  the  midst  of  the  Forum  to  save  her 
from  the  depraved  violence  of  one  of  those  decemvirs.  The 
desperate  father  fled  to  the  Roman  army,  which  was  en- 
camped at  Mount  Algidus.  The  troops  then  abandoned 
the  war  in  which  they  were  engaged,  and  took  possession  of 
the  Sacred .  Mount,  as  they  had  done  before  on  a  similar  P.  87. 
occasion.  Marching  thence  under  arms,  they  seized  the 
Aventine. 

The  senate  then  decreed  that  the  decemvirs  should  Their  fall, 
immediately  resign  their  office,  that  Quintus  Furius,  the  ^9 
chief  pontiff,  should  hold  an  election  (comitia)  of  the  lvyin-S4- 
plebeian  tribunes,  and  that  no  one  should  suffer  harm  for 
having  taken  part  in  the  secession.  After  passing  these 
decrees,  the  senate  was  dismissed,  whereupon  the  decemvirs 
came  before  the  assembly  and  to  the  great  joy  of  all  re- 
signed their  office.  Messengers  carried  this  news  to  the 
commons  in  the  camp.  All  who  were  in  the  city  followed 
the  messengers  ;  and  this  throng  was  met  by  another  joyous 
crowd  from  the  camp.  They  congratulated  one  another  on 
the  restoration  of  peace  and  harmony  in  the  state.  The 
messengers  addressed  the  people,  —  "May  it  be  well  and 
fortunate  and  happy  for  you  and  for  the  republic ;  return 
now  to  your  country,  to  your  household  gods,  your  wives, 
and  children,  but  bring  into  the  city  the  same  moderation 
which  you  have  shown  here,  where  you  have  touched  no 
one's  field,  though  you  needed  a  great  supply  of  provisions 
for  this  vast  multitude.  Go  to  the  Aventine,  whence  you 
have  come.  In  that  auspicious  place,  where  you  took  the 
first  step  toward  liberty,  you  shall  elect  tribunes  of  the  plebs. 
The    chief  pontiff  will  be  at  hand  to   hold   the  comitia." 


92     Government  and  Political   Parties 

Great  was  the  applause  and  joy  with  which  they  assented 
to  every  measure.  Hastily  they  raised  their  standards,  and 
setting  out  for  Rome,  they  tried  in  expressions  of  gladness 
to  outdo  every  one  they  met  on  the  way.  When  they 
arrived  at  Rome,  they  gathered  in  their  comitia  under  the 
chief  pontiff  for  the  election  of  their  tribunes.  .  .  . 
The  tribal  Then  Lucius  Valerius  and  Marcus  Horatius  were  elected 

U^b?1^  consuls  through  an  interrex,  and  immediately  entered  office. 
Livy  iii  55  Their  consulship  was  popular ;  and  though  they  were  dis- 
agreeable to  the  rest  of  the  patricians,  they  did  no  real 
injury  to  that  party.  For  the  measures  these  magistrates 
took  to  secure  the  liberty  of  the  commons  merely  limited 
their  own  power.  Because  there  was  a  difference  of  opin- 
ion as  to  whether  the  resolutions  of  the  plebeian  assem- 
bly were  binding  on  the  patricians,  the  consuls  passed  a 
law  through  the  assembly  of  centuries  that  whatever  the 
tribal  assembly  of  plebeians  decreed  should  bind  the  entire 
people.  This  law  gave  a  keen-edged  weapon  to  resolutions 
proposed  by  the  tribunes  (who  presided  over  the  plebeian 
assembly). 

Laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables 

Funerals,  Let  the  master  of  a  funeral  make  use  of  a  public  officer 

and  lictors.  Let  it  be  lawful  for  him  to  use  three  mantles 
in  a  funeral,  a  purple  fillet  for  the  head,  and  ten  flute-players. 
Let  him  do  no  more  than  this. 

Let  none  pour  wine  mixed  with  precious  ointment  into 
dead  bodies. 

Let  none  make  more  than  one  funeral  for  one  person,  or 
carry  more  than  one  bier  in  the  funeral  procession. 

Let  none  make  use  of  gold  in  funerals.  But  if  the 
teeth  of  the  deceased  are  fastened  with  gold,  let  none  be 
prosecuted  for  burying  or  burning  the  deceased  with  that 
gold. 

Let  not  women  scratch  their  faces  or  tear  their  cheeks  or 
raise  lamentations  on  account  of  a  funeral. 


The  Twelve  Tables  93 

Let  the  praises  of  honored  men  be  repeated  in  a  gathering 
of  the  people  ;  and  let  songs  of  mourning,  accompanied  with 
a  flute,  attend  these  praises. 

Let  the  father  have  power  over  the  life  and  death  of  his  The  family 
son.     Let  it  be  lawful  to  sell  the  son  as  a  slave  three  times.   erty.Pr°P" 
If  the  father  shall  sell  the  son  three  times,  let  the  son  be  free 
from  his  father. 

Let  there  be  a  space  of  two  and  a  half  feet  round  the  outer 
wall  of  every  house. 

Let  an  oath  be  of  the  greatest  force  to  insure  credit. 

Let  no  man  take  more  interest  for  money  than  one  per 
cent  a  month.  If  he  shall  do  otherwise,  let  him  be  fined 
four  times  that  sum. 

If  a  judge  or  arbitrator  appointed  by  law  shall  take  money  Crimes, 
for  a  judgment  to  be  given,  let  the  crime  be  capital. 

If  any  one  breaks  the  limb  of  another  and  makes  no  repara- 
tion, let  retaliation  take  place. 

Whoever  shall  maliciously  burn  another's  house,  let  him 
be  bound  and  whipped  at  the  discretion  of  the  praetor,  and   Rome,  p.  86; 
burned.     But  if  the  mischief  is  accidental,  let  him,  at  the  &!£?££ 
discretion  of  the  praetor,  repair  the  damage  or  be  punished 
for  it  by  being  whipped. 

If  any  one  shall  publish  slander  or  write  verses  to  the 
defamation  of  another,  let  the  offence  be  capital.  If  any 
shall  assemble  in  the  city  privately  at  night,  let  the  offence 
be  capital. 

Let  there  be  no  intermarriage  between  patricians  and 
plebeians. 

Let  thirty  days'  grace  be  granted  after  a  debt  has  been  Debtors, 
confessed  and  judgment  given.  Then  let  the  debtor  be 
seized.  Let  the  creditor  bring  him  before  the  court.  If  he 
does  not  obey  the  summons,  or  is  not  bailed  by  any  one,  let 
the  creditor  take  him  away  and  bind  him  with  a  thong  or 
with  fetters  weighing  no  more  than  fifteen  pounds,  or  if  he 
will,  less.  If  the  debtor  pleases,  let  him  maintain  himself. 
If  he  does  not  maintain  himself,  let  the  one  who  keeps  him 


94     Government  and  Political   Parties 

in  bonds  give  him  a  pound  of  spelt  every  day ;  if  he 
thinks  fit,  more.  Meantime  let  there  be  an  agreement. 
If  the  debtor  does  not  agree  with  his  creditor,  let  the  latter 
keep  him  in  bonds  sixty  days.  In  this  period  let  the  creditor 
cite  him  to  court  three  market  days  in  succession,  and  let  him 
proclaim  the  sum  at  which  the  costs  are  laid.  Then  let  the 
creditor  put  him  to  death ;  or  if  he  pleases,  sell  him  as  a 
slave  in  a  foreign  country  beyond  the  Tiber.  But  if  the 
debtor  is  assigned  to  many  creditors,  let  them  on  the  third 
market  day  cut  his  body  into  several  pieces.  If  they  cut 
more  or  less,  let  it  bring  no  damage  to  themselves. 

A  New  Office 

The  censors,  In  the  year  in  which  Marcus  Geganius  Macerinus  was  con- 
sul a  second  time  and  Titus  Quinctius  Capitolinus  a  fifth 
ivy  iv.  8.  time,  the  censorship  was  instituted.  Though  of  humble 
origin,  it  grew  in  importance  till  it  came  to  regulate  the 
morals  and  discipline  of  Rome,  to  revise  the  list  of  the  sena- 
tors and  knights,  to  mark  the  citizens  with  honor  or  dis- 
grace, and  to  control  the  revenues  of  the  state.  The 
Romans  instituted  the  office  because  the  census  and  assess- 
ment of  citizens  had  not  been  taken  for  several  years.  This 
work  could  no  longer  be  deferred,  and  the  consuls  had  no 
leisure  to  attend  to  it  while  wars  with  so  many  states  were 
impending. 

First  some  one  in  the  senate  suggested  that  a  duty  labo- 
rious in  itself  and  little  suited  to  the  consular  office  needed 
an  especial  magistrate,  under  whose  authority  should  be 
placed  the  several  clerks,  the  care  of  the  records,  and  the 
whole  business  of  taking  the  census.  And  though  the  pro- 
posal seemed  insignificant,  the  senate  received  it  gladly  be- 
cause it  increased  the  number  of  patrician  magistrates.  The 
senate  must  have  felt,  too,  that  the  magistracy  was  sure  to 
become  dignified  and  influential.  The  tribunes,  regarding 
the  office  as  a  necessary  rather  than  a  brilliant  one,  made  no 


Marcus  Manlius  95 

opposition  for  fear  that  they  might  seem  through  sheer  per- 
verseness  to  thwart  the  senate  even  in  trifles. 

After  the  chief  men  in  the  state  had  rejected  the  honor, 
the  people  elected  to  the  censorship  Papirius  and  Sempro- 
nius,  concerning  whose  consulship  in  the  preceding  year  there 
had  been  some  doubt.  This  new  office  was  to  repay  them  foj 
having  held  the  consulship  for  a  part  only  of  the  year.  From 
the  nature  of  their  duties  they  were  called  censors. 

A  Reformer 

(Year  after  year  the  plebeians  elected  patrician  magistrates,  The 
who  in  return  did  nothing  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  JJJjjJjJj* 
poor.     After  a  time  the  barbarous  Gauls  invaded  the  coun- 
try, burned  the  houses  of  the  peasants,  and  destroyed  their  p.  69. 
crops.      The  wretched   peasants  fell  into  debt  to  the   pa- 
tricians, who  imprisoned  or  sold  as  slaves  those  who  could 
not  pay.     Under  these  circumstances    Marcus  Manlius,   a 
patrician  of  great  fame  and  ability  who  had  saved  the  Capi- 
toline  Hill  from  the  Gauls,  began  with  his  private  means  to 
relieve  the  distress.) 

When  he  saw  a  centurion,  renowned  for  warlike  deeds,   Marcus 
led  off  to  prison  for  debt,  he  ran  up  with  his  attendants  in  Manhus- 
the  middle  of  the  Forum,  and  laying  hands  on  the  prisoner,   Llvy  VK  J4- 
he  protested  aloud  against  the  insolence  of  the  patricians, 
the  cruelty  of  the  usurers,  the  wrongs  of  the  commons,  and 
the  deserts  and  misfortune  of  the  centurion.     "  In  vain,"  he 
said,  "  have  I  preserved   the    Capitol  and  citadel  by  this 
right  hand,  if  I  am  to  see  my  fellow-citizens  and  fellow- 
soldiers,  as  though  captured  by  the  victorious  Gauls,  dragged 
into  slavery  and  chains."      He  then  paid  the  debt  to  the 
creditor  openly  before  the  people,  and  after  purchasing  the 
man's  liberty  with  bronze  weighed  on  the  scales,  he'  set  him 
free. 

The  released  officer  implored  both  gods  and  men  to  re-   A  centurion 
ward  Marcus  Manlius,  his  liberator,  the  parent  of  the  Roman  Praises  hlm- 


96     Government  and   Political   Parties 


Manlius 
grows  more 
popular. 

P.  69. 


The  dictator 

imprisons 

him. 

Livy  vi.  16. 


commons.  Passing  into  the  noisy  crowd,  the  man  even  in- 
creased the  disturbance  by  showing  the  scars  he  had  received 
in  the  wars  with  Veii,  with  the  Gauls,  and  with  other  nations. 
"While  I  was  serving  in  the  army,"  he  said,  "and  was  try- 
ing to  rebuild  my  house  which  had  been  destroyed,  I  paid 
off  the  principal  of  the  debt  many  times  over,  but  still  the 
interest  always  kept  adding  to  the  principal  till  I  was  over- 
whelmed with  interest.  But  through  the  kind  aid  of  Marcus 
Manlius  I  now  behold  the  light,  the  Forum,  and  the  faces  of 
my  fellow-citizens.  From  him  I  receive  all  the  kind  services 
which  usually  come  to  children  from  parents.  To  him 
therefore  I  devote  whatever  remains  of  my  person,  my  life, 
and  my  blood.  Whatever  ties  bind  me  to  my  country,  and 
to  the  guardian  gods  of  the  state  and  of  my  house,  —  all  join 
me  to  him  alone." 

Excited  by  these  words,  the  plebeian  crowd  was  all  for 
Manlius,  when  another  event  increased  the  confusion.  Man- 
lius offered  for  sale  the  principal  part  of  his  estate  —  a  farm 
in  the  district  taken  from  Veii.  "  I  do  this,"  he  explained, 
"  that  I  may  not  suffer  one  of  you,  Romans,  as  long  as  any 
of  my  property  remains,  to  be  delivered  over  to  a  creditor 
and  to  be  dragged  off  to  prison."  His  conduct  in  this  mat- 
ter so  inflamed  their  minds  that  they  determined  to  follow 
the  defender  of  their  freedom  through  everything  right  or 
wrong.  Furthermore  in  his  own  house  he  made  speeches, 
like  public  harangues,  full  of  accusations  against  the  patri- 
cians. He  even  insinuated  that  the  patricians  were  conceal- 
ing treasures  of  gold  which  had  been  retaken  from  the  Gauls. 
"They  no  longer  content  themselves  with  occupying  the 
public  land,"  he  exclaimed,  "  but  they  appropriate  the  public 
funds.  If  the  truth  of  this  matter  should  be  brought  to  light, 
the  poor  could  be  freed  from  their  debts." 

The  dictator  ordered  him  to  lay  aside  evasion,  and  to  prove 
the  truth  of  his  assertion  or  to  confess  that  he  had  falsely 
accused  the  senators,  exposing  them  in  this  way  to  public 
hatred.     But  as  he  refused  to  speak  or  to  meet  the  wishes 


A  Trial   for  Treason  97 

of  his  enemies,  the  dictator  ordered  him  to  be  carried  off 
to  prison. 

Thereupon  persons  were  heard  freely  chiding  the  multi-   What  the 
tude  because  by  their  favor  they  were  always  raising  their  peop  e    ln  ' 
defenders  to  a  dangerous  height,  only  to  forsake  them  in 
time  of  trouble.     "  In  this  way,"  they  continued,  "  Spurius 
Cassius,  when  inviting  the  commons  to  share  in  the  lands,   Livy  vi.  17. 
and   Spurius  Mselius,   when  warding   off  famine   from  the  Rome,  p.  82; 
mouths  of  his  fellow-citizens  at  his  own  expense,  have  been  tory^y&!~ 
undone ;  thus  Marcus  Manlius  is  betrayed  to  his  enemies 
while  he  is  bringing  forth  to  liberty  and  light  one-half  of 
the  state,  which  was  sunk  and  overwhelmed  in  usury.     The 
commons  fatten  their  favorites  for  slaughter.     Is  this  to  be 
the  punishment,  if  a  man  of  consular  rank  does  not  answer 
to  the  nod  of  a  dictator?  .  .  ." 

The  crowd  did  not  disperse  even  for  the  night,  but  threat- 
ened to  break  open  the  prison.  Seeing  that  Manlius  would 
be  set  free  by  force,  the  senate  decreed  his  release ;  but  so 
far  from  calming  the  sedition,  this  act  merely  supplied  it 
with  a  leader. 

With  the  approval  of  all,  (the  tribunes)  appointed  a  day  He  is  tried 
of  trial  for  Manlius.     When  the  trial  came,  the  commons  fortreason- 
were  at  first  excited,  especially  when  they  saw  the  accused     lvy  vu  2< 
in  mourning  and  alone  j  for  not  only  the  patricians,  but  even 
his  kinsmen,  nay  even  his  brothers,  Aulus  and  Titus  Manlius, 
had  forsaken  him.     Never  before  had  it  happened  at  such  a 
crisis  that  a  man's  nearest  friends  failed  to  put  on  mourning. 
People  said  to  one  another,  "  When  Appius  Claudius  (the  de- 
cemvir) was  imprisoned,  Gaius  Claudius,  though  at  enmity 
with   him,    and    the    entire    Claudian    family   appeared   in 
mourning ;  but  they  are  plotting  to  destroy  this  favorite  of 
ours  because  he  is  the  first  patrician  to  come  over  to  the 
commons." 

No  historians  say  what  evidence  the  prosecutors  brought   No  evidence 
forward  in  the  trial  to  prove  that  Manlius  had  aspired  to  be  of  gmlt- 
king  ;  writers  mention  only  the  meetings  he  held  in  his  house, 


98      Government  and   Political   Parties 


(■Probably 
there  was  no 
evidence.) 


His  defence. 


P.  133  f- 


his  seditious  words,  his  gifts,  and  his  pretended  discovery  of 
the  hidden  gold.  Doubtless  the  evidence  was  important,  for 
the  delay  of  the  plebs  in  condemning  him  was  caused,  not 
by  the  merits  of  the  case,  but  by  the  place  of  trial.  This 
fact  is  worth  noticing  that  all  may  know  that  his  depraved 
ambition  for  the  kingship  not  only  deprived  his  former  glori- 
ous deeds  of  all  merit,  but  even  rendered  them  hateful. 

It  is  said  that  in  this  trial  he  brought  forward  as  witnesses 
nearly  four  hundred  persons  to  whom  he  had  lent  money 
without  interest,  whose  goods  he  had  prevented  from  being 
sold,  whom  he  had  kept  from  imprisonment,  after  they  had 
been  adjudged  to  their  creditors.  Furthermore  he  not  only 
enumerated  his  military  rewards  but  also  presented  them  to 
view — spoils  of  thirty  enemies  slain,  presents  from  generals 
to  the  number  of  forty,  the  most  remarkable  of  which  were 
two  mural  and  eight  civic  crowns.  In  addition  to  these 
trophies  he  introduced  citizens  rescued  from  the  enemy,  and 
mentioned  as  one  of  them  Gaius  Servilius,  now  absent,  but 
who  when  rescued  was  master  of  the  horse.  After  he  had 
recounted  his  martial  deeds  in  proud  language  suited  to  the 
dignity  of  the  subject,  and  had  equalled  his  achievements  by 
his  eloquence,  he  bared  his  breast  marked  with  scars  he  had 
received  in  battle  ;  and  now  and  then  directing  his  eyes  to 
the  Capitol,  he  called  down  Jupiter  and  the  other  gods  to 
aid  him  in  his  present  misfortune.  He  prayed  that  the  same 
sentiments  with  which  the  gods  had  inspired  him  to  protect 
the  Capitoline  fortress  for  the  preservation  of  the  Roman 
people  might  now  inspire  the  Roman  people  to  judge  of  him 
at  this  crisis  in  his  life.  And  he  entreated  them,  singly  and 
collectively,  that  they  would  form  their  decision  concerning 
him,  with  their  eyes  fixed  on  the  Capitol  and  citadel,  and 
their  faces  turned  to  the  immortal  gods. 

As  the  people  were  summoned  by  centuries  in  the  Cam- 
pus Martius,  and  as  the  accused,  extending  his  hands  toward 
the  Capitol,  directed  his  prayers  no  longer  to  men  but  to 
the  gods,  it  became  evident  to  the  tribunes  that  unless  they 


The  End  of  Manlius  99 

removed  the  eyes  of  men  from  the  memory  of  so  great  an 
exploit,  a  true  charge  would  find  no  place  in  the  minds  of 
the  people,  prejudiced  as  they  were  by  such  service. 

For  this  reason  the  day  of  trial  was  adjourned,  and  a  meet-   Sentence  of 
ing  {concilium)  of  the  people  was  summoned  in  the  Peteline   death- 
grove  outside  the  Flumentan   gate.     From  this  place  the   Gate^onthe 
Capitol  could  not  be  seen.     There  the  charge  was  proved,   west  side  of 
and  as  the  people's  minds  were  now  free  from  prejudice,  a  grovels  not6 
fatal  sentence,  and  one  which  excited  horror  even  in  his   otherwise 

,  «  .  _,  known.) 

judges,  was  passed  on  him.     Some  state  that  he  was  con- 
demned by  the  two  judges  of  treason.     The  tribunes  cast  Rome, -p.  68; 
him  down  from  the  Tarpeian  rock ;  and  in  this  way  that  tory^-xfi' 
place  became  a  monument  of  distinguished  glory  and  of 
extreme  punishment. 

Marks  of  infamy  were  set  upon  him  when  dead.  One  was 
a  public  disgrace  upon  his  dwelling,  which  stood  on  the 
ground  now  occupied  by  the  temple  of  Moneta  and  the 
mint.  The  house  was  destroyed  and  it  was  proposed  to 
the  people  that  no  patrician  should  dwell  on  the  citadel  and 
Capitol.  A  private  disgrace  was  imposed  by  his  family, 
which  decreed  that  no  one  of  the  Manlian  gens  should  ever 
afterward  bear  the  name  of  Marcus.  Such  was  the  fate  of 
a  man,  who  had  he  not  been  born  in  a  free  state,  would 
have  been  remembered  with  honor  by  posterity. 

In  a  short  time,  when  there  was  no  longer  any  danger  The  people 
from  him,  the  people,  remembering  only  his  virtues,  were 
seized  with  regret  for  him.  A  pestilence,  too,  soon  followed  ; 
and  in  the  absence  of  other  causes  of  so  great  a  calamity,  it 
seemed  to  many  to  have  arisen  from  the  punishment  of 
Manlius.  "  The  Capitol,"  they  murmured,  "  has  been  pol- 
luted with  the  blood  of  its  saviour  j  nor  has  it  been  pleasant 
to  the  gods  to  behold  the  punishment  of  him  who  rescued 
their  temples  from  the  hands  of  the  enemy." 


repent. 


ioo     Government  and  Political   Parties 


STUDIES 

1.  Describe  the  government  of  the  early  republic.  Compare  it  with 
the  government  under  the  kings. 

2.  What  caused  the  secession  of  the  plebeians  ?  How  was  the 
trouble  settled  ?  What  do  you  suppose  were  the  comparative  numbers 
of  the  patricians  and  plebeians  ? 

3.  From  the  maps  {Rome,  pp.  1, 41 ;  Ancient  History,  pp.  255,  283) 
describe  the  course  of  the  Anio  River;   of  the  Tiber. 

4.  Though  Spurius  Cassius  was  a  real  person,  the  story  of  his  law 
is  largely  mythical.  What  features  of  the  story  seem  to  be  historical? 
{Rome,  p.  75  ;  Ancient  History,  p.  301  f.) 

5.  Compare  the  story  of  the  decemvirs  with  the  account  given  in 
Rome,  pp.  76-79 ;  Ancient  History,  p.  303  f.  What  features  of  the 
traditional  story  seem  to  be  mythical  ? 

6.  Soon  after  the  fall  of  the  decemvirs  what  law  was  passed  regard- 
ing one  of  the  assemblies  ?     What  was  its  purpose  ? 

7.  From  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  what  may  we  infer  regarding 
(1)  the  funeral  customs,  (2)  the  family,  (3)  honesty  in  business,  (4) 
the  condition  of  the  poor,  (5)  the  general  character  of  the  Romans  of 
the  time  ? 

8.  What  were  the  duties  of  the  censors,  and  what  was  the  impor- 
tance of  their  office  ? 

9.  What  was  the  condition  of  the  peasants  in  the  time  of  Marcus 
Manlius  ?  How  did  he  try  to  improve  their  condition  ?  Was  he  in 
fact  a  dangerous  man  (cf.  Rome,  p.  85  ;  Ancient  History,  p.  308)  ? 
Did  the  nobles  and  the  tribunes  have  a  selfish  motive  in  attacking 
him  ? 

10.  Write  a  paper  on  Roman  Character  before  the  Punic  Wars, 
citing  for  illustration  as  many  Romans  as  possible. 


CHAPTER    V 

The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 


Second  Period  of  the  Republic  —  External  History 
(264-133  B.C.) 

Punic  dominions  thou  seest,  the  Tyrians,  and  town  of  Agenor; 
But  the  confines  are  Libyan,  a  race  undaunted  in  warfare. 
Tyrian  Dido  the  sovereignty  sways,  from  her  city  an  exile, 
Fleeing  her  brother.     The  tale  of  her  grievance  is  lengthy,  and  lengthy 
Too  are  its  mazes;  but  I  will  the  main  trails  trace  of  its  outlines. 
She  had  a  husband,  Sychaeus,  the  richest  in  landed  possessions 
Known  of  Phoenicians,  and  loved  by  her  lorn  with  a  passionate  fond- 
ness. 
Virgin  the  father  had  given  her  to  him,  and  wedded  with  brightest 
Omens  of  bliss,  but  her  brother,  Pygmalion,  then  was  the  kingdom 
Ruling  of  Tyrus,  in  crime  more  atrocious  by  far  than  all  others. 
'Twixt  them  a  fierce  animosity  came,  and  he  basely  Sychgeus 
Even  in  front  of  the  altars,  and  blinded  by  lust  for  his  money, 
Stealthy,  with  dagger,  o'ercomes  unawares,  disregarding  his  sister's 
Tender  attachments;   and  long  he  the  deed  concealed,  and  the  pining 
Lover  the  villain,  by  many  a  pretext,  wheedled  with  empty 
Hope:  but  the  ghost    of  her  husband  unburied,  itself  in  her  night- 
dreams 
Came  to  her,  lifting  before  her  its  visage  amazingly  pallid : 
Ghastly  the  altars  it  laid,  and  its  bosom  all  gashed  with  the  dagger, 
Naked  to  view,  and  uncovered  each  hidden  misdeed  of  the  household : 
Then  it  exhorts  her  to  hasten  escape,  and  depart  from  the  country. 
And,  as  an  aid  for  her  journey,  in  earth  it  discloses  her  ancient 
Treasures,  an  unaccountable  weight  both  of  gold  and  of  silver. 
Dido,  incited  by  these,  was  preparing  her  flight  and  companions: 
Rally  round  her  all  who  have  felt  for  the  tyrant  a  mortal 
Hate  or  poignant  fear;   the  vessels,  which  chance  to  be  ready, 
Seize  they,  and  load  them  with  gold,  and  away  on  the  ocean  are  wafted 
Miser  Pygmalion's  hoardings :  a  woman  is  guide  of  the  project. 

101 


The  found- 
ing of 
Carthage. 

Vergil, 
sEneid,  i. 
333-368. 

(Venus,  in 
the  disguise 
of  a  Tyrian 
maiden,  is 
speaking  to 
her  son 
vEneas,  who 
has  been 
driven  by  a 
storm  to  the 
African 
coast.) 


io2     Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 


Vergil, 
sEneid,  i. 
418-429 


Her  early 
history. 

Appian, 
Punic  Wars, 


Thence  to  these  haunts  they  have  come,  where  now  thou  seest  yon  stately 

Ramparts  and  rising  castle  of  recently  colonized  Carthage. 

Ground  they  have  purchased,  and  named  it,  from  terms  of  the  bargain, 

the  Byrsa, 
Just  so  much  it  should  be  as  they  could  enclose  with  a  bull's  hide. 

They  have  the  meanwhile  taken  the  road,  where  the  pathway  directs 

them. 
And  were  climbing  a  hillock,  which  full  o'er  the  neighboring  city 
Beetles,  and  high  from  above  looks  down  on  the  opposite  castles. 
Wonders  -flineas  at  pile  so  imposing,  where  lately  were  hovels; 
Wonders  he,  too,  at  the  gates,  and  the  din,  and  the  thoroughfares' 

pavements. 
Press  on  the  Tyrians  hotly,  a  part  in  extending  the  town-walls; 
Part  in  constructing  the  castle,  by  hand  up-rolling  the  ashlers; 
Part  in  selecting  a  house-lot,  and  trenching  it  round  with  a  furrow. 
Laws  they  enact,  and  magistrates  choose  and  a  reverend  senate. 
Here  some  are  dredging  a  harbor,  there  others  a  theatre's  deep-placed 
Solid  foundations  are  laying,  and  columns  immense  from  the  quarries 
Hewing,  the  ornamentations  superb  for  the  scenes  of  the  future. 

The  Phoenicians  settled  Carthage,  in  Africa,  fifty  years 
before  the  capture  of  Troy.  Its  founders  were  either  Zorus 
and  Carchedon,  or  as  the  Romans  and  the  Carthaginians 
themselves  think,  Dido,  a  Tyrian  woman,  whose  husband 
had  been  slain  secretly  by  Pygmalion,  the  ruler  of  Tyre.  As 
the  murder  was  revealed  to  her  in  a  dream,  she  embarked 
for  Africa  with  her  property  and  with  a  number  of  men  who 
desired  to  escape  from  the  tyranny  of  Pygmalion,  and  arrived 
at  that  part  of  Africa  where  Carthage  now  stands.  Repelled 
by  the  inhabitants,  they  asked  for  as  much  land  for  a  dwell- 
ing-place as  they  could  enclose  with  an  ox-hide.  The  Afri- 
cans laughed  at  this  frivolity  of  the  Phoenicians,  and  were 
ashamed  to  deny  so  small  a  request.  Besides  they  could  not 
imagine  how  a  town  could  be  built  on  so  narrow  a  space ; 
and  wishing  to  unravel  the  mystery,  they  agreed  to  give  it, 
and  confirmed  the  promise  with  an  oath.  The  Phoenicians, 
cutting  the  hide  round  and  round  in  one  narrow  strip,  en- 
closed the  place  where  the  citadel  of  Carthage  now  stands, 
which  from  this  affair  was  called  Byrsa  (a  hide) . 


Carthage  and  Rome  103 

Proceeding  from  this  start,  and  getting  the  upper  hand  of 
their  neighbors,  —  as  they  were  more  adroit,  —  they  built  a 
city  around  Byrsa.  Gradually  acquiring  strength,  they  mas-  Appian, 
tered  Africa  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Mediterranean,  car-  Pumc  Wars> 
ried  war  into  Sicily  and  Sardinia  and  the  other  islands  of 
that  sea,  and  also  into  Spain.  They  sent  out  many  colonies. 
They  became  a  match  for  the  Greeks  in  power,  and  next  to 
the  Persians  in  wealth. 

The  Carthaginian  constitution  seems  to  me  to  have  been  The  consti- 
in  the  beginning  well  contrived  in  the  following  important  Carthage, 
respects.     They  had  (two)  kings,  and  the  senate  had  the  p0iybiusvi. 
powers  of  an  aristocracy,  and  the  people  were  supreme  in  51- 
such  affairs  as  affected  them ;  and  on  the  whole  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  governmental  powers  was  very  like  that  of  Rome 
and  Sparta.     About  the  time,  however,  when  Hannibal  was   Greece,  p.  61 ; 
leading  Carthage  to  a  war  with  Rome,  the  state  of  Carthage  f™1™*^' 
was  declining,  but  that  of  Rome  was  improving.  ...     In 
Carthage  the  influence  of  the  people  in  the  policy  of  the 
state  had  already  risen  to  be  supreme,  whereas  at  Rome  the 
senate  was  at  the  height  of  its  power ;  and  so,  as  in  the  one 
state  measures  were  deliberated  upon  by  the  many,  in  the 
other  by  the  best  men,  the  policy  of  the  Romans  in  all  public 
undertakings  proved  the  stronger.     On  this  account,  though 
they  met  with  capital  disasters,  by  their  prudent  counsels 
they  finally  conquered  the  Carthaginians  in  the  war. 

If  we  look,  however,  at  separate  details,  for  instance  at  Rome  and 
the  provisions  for  carrying  on  a  war,  we  shall  find  that  for  w*rr  age  in 
a  naval  expedition  the  Carthaginians  are  the  better  trained   p0]ybjus  vj# 
and  prepared,  —  as  it  is  only  natural  with  a  people  with   52- 
whom  this  craft  has  been  hereditary  for  many  generations, 
and  who  follow  the  seaman's  trade  above  all  other  nations 
in  the  world.     In  regard  to  military  service  on  land,  how- 
ever, the  Romans  train  themselves  to  a  much  higher  pitch 
than  the  Carthaginians.     The  Romans  bestow  their  entire 
attention  on  this  department  of  military  service,  whereas  the 
Carthaginians  wholly  neglect  their  infantry,  though  they  do 


104     Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 

take  some  slight  interest  in  their  cavalry.  The  reason  for 
this  is  that  they  employ  foreign  mercenaries,  but  the  Romans 
native  and  citizen  levies.  It  is  in  this  point  that  the  Roman 
polity  is  preferable  to  the  Carthaginian.  The  one  nation 
has  its  hopes  of  freedom  ever  resting  on  the  courage  of 
mercenary  troops,  the  other  on  the  valor  of  citizens  and  the 
aid  of  allies.  The  result  is  that  even  if  the  Romans  have 
suffered  a  defeat  at  first,  they  renew  the  war  with  undimin- 
ished forces,  which  the  Carthaginians  cannot  do.  For  as 
the  Romans  are  fighting  for  country  and  children,  it  is  im- 
possible for  them  to  relax  the  fury  of  their  struggle ;  but  they 
persist  with  obstinate  resolution  till  they  overcome  their 
enemies. 
Skill  In  skill  the  Romans  are  far   behind  the  Carthaginians, 

strength*0  as  l  have  said  i  vet  the  uPshot  of  the  whole  naval  war  has 
and  courage,  been  a  decided  triumph  for  the  Romans,  owing  to  the  valor 
of  their  men.  For  although  nautical  science  contributes 
largely  to  success  in  sea  fights,  still  it  is  the  courage  of  the 
sailors  which  turns  the  scale  most  decisively  in  favor  of 
victory.  The  fact  is  that  the  Italians  as  a  nation  are  by 
nature  superior  to  the  Phoenicians  and  the  Libyans  in  both 
physical  strength  and  courage. 
Contrast  in  Again  the  Roman  customs  and  principles  regarding  money 
ones  y.  transactions  are  better  than  those  of  the  Carthaginians.  The 
latter  think  nothing  disgraceful  that  makes  for  gain ;  with 
the  Romans  nothing  is  more  disgraceful  than  to  receive 
bribes  and  to  make  profit  by  improper  means.  For  they 
regard  wealth  obtained  from  unlawful  transactions  to  be  as 
much  a  subject  of  reproach,  as  a  fair  profit  from  the  most 
unquestioned  source  is  of  commendation.  A  proof  of  the 
fact  is  this.  The  Carthaginians  obtain  office  by  open  bribery ; 
among  the  Romans  the  penalty  for  such  conduct  is  death. 

The  First  Punic  War 

Immediate  (Such  was  the  contrast  between  Rome  and  Carthage  at 

cause.  tne  t-me  t^ey  £rst  began   war  against   each   other.     The 


The  Mamertines  105 

immediate  cause  of  the  war  was  the  conduct  of  some  Cam- 
panian  mercenaries  in  Sicily.) 

The  Campanian   mercenaries   of  Agathocles   (tyrant   of   The 
Syracuse)  for  some  time  cast  greedy  eyes  upon  Messene  Mamertines- 
(Latin  Messana)    because  of  its   beauty  and  wealth.     As   Polybius  1 7- 
soon  as  they  had  an  opportunity,   therefore,  they  made  a 
treacherous  attempt  upon  the  city.     They  entered  it  in  the 
guise  of  friendship,  and  once  in  possession,  they  drove  out 
some  of  the  citizens  and  put  others  to  the  sword.     This 
done,  they  seized  the  wives  and  children  of  the  dispossessed 
citizens,  each  keeping  those  whom  fortune  had  assigned  him 
at  the  very  moment  of  the  lawless  deed.     All  other  property 
as  well  as  the  land  they  afterward  divided  among  themselves 
and  kept  as  their  own. 

The  speed  with  which  they  became  masters  of  a  fair  terri-  Seizure  of 
tory  and  city  excited  a  ready  imitation  of  their  conduct.  RheSlum- 
When  Pyrrhus  was  crossing  to  Italy,  the  people  of  Rhegium 
felt  a  double  anxiety.  They  were  dismayed  at  the  thought 
of  his  approach,  and  at  the  same  time  were  afraid  of  the 
Carthaginians,  who  were  masters  of  the  sea.  They  accord- 
ingly asked  and  obtained  a  force  from  Rome  to  guard  and 
support  them.  The  garrison,  four  thousand  strong,  under 
the  command  of  a  Campanian  named  Decius  Jubellius, 
entered  the  city  and  for  a  time  preserved  it  faithfully.  But 
at  last,  in  imitation  of  the  Mamertines  and  with  their  aid, 
they  broke  faith  with  the  people  of  Rhegium,  enamored  of 
the  pleasant  site  of  the  town  and  the  wealth  of  the  citizens. 
Driving  out  some  of  the  men  and  putting  others  to  death, 
as  the  Mamertines  had  done  at  Messene,  they  seized  the 
city. 

Though  the  Romans  were  much  annoyed  by  this  transac-   Deserved 
tion,  they  could  take  no   active  steps    because   they  were  pums  men  ' 
deeply  engaged  in  wars.     But  when  free  from  them,  they 
invested  and  besieged  the  garrison.    Presently  they  captured 
the  place  and  killed  the  greater  number  in  the  assault ;  for 
the  men  resisted  desperately,  knowing  what  must  follow. 


io6      Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 


The  Mamer- 
tines  in 
trouble. 

Polybius  i.  8. 


They  ask 
aid  of  Rome. 

Polybius  i. 
10. 


The  Romans 
deliberate. 


More  than  three  hundred  taken  alive  were  sent  to  Rome, 
and  there  the  consuls  brought  them  into  the  Forum,  where 
they  were  scourged  and  beheaded  according  to  custom  ;  for 
the  Romans  wished  as  far  as  they  could  to  vindicate  their 
good  faith  in  the  eyes  of  the  allies.  The  territory  and  town 
they  at  once  handed  over  to  the  people  of  Rhegium. 

But  the  Mamertines,  as  the  Campanians  at  Messene  called 
themselves,  while  they  enjoyed  the  alliance  of  the  Roman 
captors  of  Rhegium,  not  only  exercised  absolute  control 
over  their  own  town  and  district  undisturbed,  but  also  gave 
no  little  trouble  to  their  neighbors,  the  Carthaginians  and 
the  Syracusans ;  and  they  levied  tribute  on  many  parts  of 
Sicily.  But  when  they  were  deprived  of  this  support, — 
the  captors  of  Rhegium  being  now  invested  and  besieged, 
—  they  were  themselves  promptly  forced  back  into  the  town 
by  the  Syracusans. 

Thereupon  some  of  them  betook  themselves  to  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Carthaginians,  and  were  for  putting  themselves 
and  the  citadel  into  their  hands,  while  others  sent  an  embassy 
to  Rome  to  offer  a  surrender  of  their  city,  and  to  beg  assist- 
ance on  the  ground  of  the  ties  of  race.  The  Romans  were 
long  in  doubt.  The  inconsistency  of  sending  such  aid  seemed 
manifest.  A  little  while  ago  they  had  put  some  of  their  own 
citizens  to  death,  with  the  extreme  penalties  of  the  law,  for 
having  broken  faith  with  the  people  of  Rhegium ;  and  now 
so  soon  afterward  to  assist  the  Mamertines,  who  had  done 
precisely  the  same  to  Messene,  involved  a  breach  of  equity 
very  hard  to.justify. 

But  while  fully  alive  to  these  points,  they  saw  that  Cartha- 
ginian aggression  was  not  confined  to  Libya,  but  had  em- 
braced many  districts  in  Iberia  as  well ;  and  besides  Carthage 
was  mistress  of  all  the  islands  in  the  Sardinian  and  Tyrrhenian 
seas.  They  were  beginning,  therefore,  to  be  exceedingly 
anxious  lest,  if  the  Carthaginians  became  masters  of  Sicily, 
they  should  find  them  very  dangerous  and  formidable  neigh- 
bors ;  for  they  would  surround  Italy  on  all  sides  and  would 


Appius  in   Messene  107 

occupy  a  position  which  would  command  all  the  coasts  of  the 

peninsula.     Now  it  was  clear  that  if  the  Mamertines  did  not 

obtain  the  assistance  they  asked  for,  the  Carthaginians  would 

very  soon  reduce  all  Sicily.     For  should  they  accept  the  offer 

of  Messene  and  become  masters  of  it,  they  were  certain  before 

long  to  crush  Syracuse  also,  since  they  were  already  lords  of 

nearly  all  the  rest  of  Sicily.     The  Romans  saw  all  this,  and 

felt  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  not  to  let  Messene  slip, 

or  allow  the  Carthaginians  to  secure  what  would  be  like  a 

bridge  to  enable  them  to  cross  into  Italy.  .  .  .     They  accord-   Poiybiusi.n. 

ingly  voted  in  favor  of  giving  the  .aid.  .  .  . 

The  Roman  consul  Appius,  for  his  part,  gallantly  crossed  The  Romans 
the  strait  by  night  and  got  possession  of  Messene.  But  he  genefs^B.c' 
found  that  the  enemy  (Syracusans  and  Carthaginians)  had 
completely  surrounded  the  town  and  were  vigorously  press- 
ing on  the  attack;  and  he  concluded  on  reflection  that  the 
siege  could  bring  him  neither  credit  nor  security  so  long  as 
the  enemy  commanded  the  land  as  well  as  the  sea.  He 
accordingly  first  endeavored  to  relieve  the  Mamertines 
altogether  from  the  contest  by  sending  embassies  to  both 
the  attacking  forces.  Neither  of  them  received  his  pro- 
posals, and  at  last,  from  sheer  necessity,  he  made  up  his 
mind  to  hazard  an  engagement,  and  to  begin  with  the 
Syracusans. 

So  he  led  out  his  forces  and  drew  them  up  for  a  fight ;  They  defeat 
nor  were  the  Syracusans  backward  in  accepting  the  chal-  gansSyracu~ 
lenge,  but  descended  at  once  to  give  him  battle.  After  a 
long  struggle  Appius  got  the  better  of  the  enemy  and  chased 
the  opposing  forces  right  up  to  their  intrenchments.  The 
result  of  this  was  that  Appius,  after  stripping  the  dead,  retired 
into  Messene,  while  Hiero  (king  of  Syracuse),  with  a  fore- 
boding of  the  final  result,  waited  only  for  nightfall  to  beat  a 
hasty  retreat  to  Syracuse. 

Next  morning  when  Appius  was  assured  of  their  flight,  his  They  defeat 
confidence  was  strengthened,  and  he  made  up  his  mind  to  g^ans*11*" 
attack  the  Carthaginians  without  delay.     He  issued  orders 


io8      Expansion  of  the   Roman   Power 


Polybius  i. 

12. 


Regulus  in 
Africa. 

Appian, 
Punic 
Wars,  3. 
(For  the 
events  lead- 
ing up  to  this 
invasion,  see 
Rome,  p.  99 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  317.) 


to  the  soldiers  accordingly  to  finish  their  preparations  early, 
and  at  daybreak  began  his  sally.  Engaging  the  enemy,  he 
killed  a  large  number  of  them,  and  forced  the  rest  to  fly  pre- 
cipitately to  the  neighboring  towns.  These  successes  suf- 
ficed to  raise  the  siege  of  Messene ;  thenceforth  he  scoured 
the  territory  of  Syracuse  and  her  allies  with  impunity,  and  laid 
it  waste  without  finding  any  one  to  dispute  the  possession  of 
the  open  country  with  him.  Finally  he  sat  down  before 
Syracuse  itself  and  laid  siege  to  it. 

Such  was  the  nature  and  motive  of  the  first  warlike  expe- 
dition of  the  Romans  beyond  the  shores  of  Italy. 

Early  in  the  Sicilian  war  the  Romans  sent  three  hundred 
and  fifty  ships  to  Africa,  captured  many  towns,  and  left  in 
command  of  the  army  Atilius  Regulus,  who  took  about  two 
hundred  more  towns,  which  gave  themselves  up  to  him  on 
account  of  their  hatred  of  the  Carthaginians.  Continually 
advancing,  the  Roman  general  ravaged  the  country.  There- 
upon the  Carthaginians,  considering  their  misfortune  due  to 
bad  generalship,  asked  the  Lacedaemonians  to  send  them  a 
commander. 

They  sent  Xanthippus.  Regulus,  encamped  in  the  hot 
season  by  the  side  of  a  lake,  marched  round  it  to  engage  the 
enemy.  His  soldiers  were  suffering  greatly  from  the  weight  of 
their  arms,  from  dust,  thirst,  and  fatigue,  and  were  exposed 
to  missiles  from  the  neighboring  hills.  Toward  evening 
he  came  to  a  river  which  separated  the  two  armies.  This 
he  crossed  at  once,  for  he  thought  in  this  way  to  terrify  Xan- 
thippus ;  but  the  Lacedaemonian,  anticipating  an  easy  vic- 
tory over  an  enemy  thus  harassed  and  exhausted,  took 
advantage  of  the  night  to  draw  up  his  forces  and  make  a 
sudden  sally  from  the  camp.  The  expectation  of  Xanthip- 
pus was  not  disappointed.  Of  the  thirty  thousand  men  led 
by  Regulus,  a  few  only  escaped  with  difficulty  to  the  city  of 
Aspis.  All  the  rest  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners ; 
and  among  the  captives  was  the  consul  Regulus  himself. 

Not  long  afterward  the  Carthaginians,  weary  with  fighting, 


History  supplies  Experience        109 

sent  him  in  company  with  other  ambassadors  to  Rome  to   The 
obtain   peace,  or  to  return  if  it  were  not  granted.     But  HjJJJJ 
Regulus  in  private  strongly  urged  the  chief  magistrates  of  ^ppian 
Rome  to  continue  the  war,  and  then  went  back  to  certain   Punic  Wars, 
torture ;  for  the  Carthaginians  shut  him  up  in  a  cage  full  of  4' 
spikes  and  in  this  way  put  him  to  death. 

This  success  was  the  beginning  of  sorrows  to  Xanthippus ;  The  end  of 
for  the  Carthaginians,  in  order  that  the  credit  might  not  XanthiPPus- 
seem  to  be  due  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  pretended  to  honor 
him  with  splendid  gifts,  sent  galleys  to  convey  him  home  to 
Lacedsemon,  but  ordered  the  captains  of  the  ships  to  throw 
him  and  his  Lacedaemonian  comrades  overboard.  In  this 
way  he  paid  the  penalty  for  his  successes. 

(According  to  Polybius,  Xanthippus  won  the  victory  by 
bringing  on  the  battle  in  a  plain,  where  the  Carthaginians 
could  use  their  elephants  to  advantage.  Polybius  ends  his 
story  of  the  battle  with  some  wise  remarks.) 

This  event  conveys  many  useful  lessons  to  a  thoughtful  The  value  of 
observer.     Above   all,   the   disaster   of  Regulus   gives   the   hlstory- 
clearest  possible  warning  that  no  one  should  feel  too  confi-     °  y  lus 
dent  of  the  favors  of  fortune,  especially  in  the  hour  of  suc- 
cess.    Here  we  see  one  who  a  short  time  before  refused  all 
pity  or  consideration  to  the  fallen,  brought  incontinently  to 
beg  them  for  his  own  life.     Again  we  are  taught  the  truth 
of  that  saying  of  Euripides  — 

One  wise  man's  skill  is  worth  a  world  in  arms. 

For  it  was  one  man,  one  brain,  that  defeated  the  numbers 
which  were  believed  to  be  invincible  and  able  to  accom- 
plish everything ;  and  restored  to  confidence  a  whole  city 
that  was  unmistakably  and  utterly  ruined,  and  the  spirits  of 
its  army  which  were  sunk  to  the  lowest  depths  of  despair. 
I  record  these  things  in  the  hope  of  benefiting  my  readers. 
There  are  two  roads  to  reformation  for  mankind  —  one 
through  misfortunes  of  their  own,  the  other  through  those 
of  others :  the  former  is  the  more  unmistakable,  the  latter 


io     Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 


Hamilcar 

Barca  (the 
Lightning). 

Polybius  i. 
56. 

(For  the 
places  here 
mentioned, 
see  map, 
Rome,  p.  1 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  255.) 


is  less  painful.  One  should  therefore  never  choose  the 
former,  for  it  makes  reformation  a  matter  of  great  difficulty 
and  danger ;  but  we  should  always  look  out  for  the  latter, 
for  thereby  we  can  without  hurt  to  ourselves  gain  a  clear 
view  of  the  best  course  to  pursue.  It  is  this  which  forces 
us  to  consider  that  the  knowledge  gained  from  the  study  of 
true  history  is  the  best  of  all  educations  for  practical  life. 
For  it  is  history,  and  history  alone,  which  without  involving 
us  in  actual  danger,  will  mature  our  judgment  and  prepare 
us  to  take  right  views,  whatever  may  be  the  crisis  or  the 
posture  of  affairs. 

In  the  eighteenth  year  of  the  war  the  Carthaginians 
appointed  Hamilcar  Barca  general,  and  put  the  manage- 
ment of  the  fleet  in  his  hands.  He  took  over  the  command 
and  began  to  ravage  the  Italian  coast.  After  devastating 
the  district  of  Locri  and  the  rest  of  Bruttium,  he  sailed 
away  with  his  whole  fleet  to  the  coast  of  Panormus  and 
seized  a  place  called  Ercte,  which  lies  between  Eryx  and 
Panormus  on  the  coast,  and  is  reputed  the  best  situation  in 
the  district  for  a  safe  and  permanent  camp.  For  it  is  a 
mountain  rising  sheer  on  every  side,  standing  out  above  the 
surrounding  country  to  a  considerable  height.  The  table- 
land on  its  summit  has  a  circumference  of  not  less  than  a 
hundred  stades,  within  which  the  soil  is  rich  in  pasture  and 
suitable  for  agriculture.  The  sea  breezes  render  it  health- 
ful, and  it  is  entirely  free  from  dangerous  animals. 

On  the  side  which  looks  toward  the  sea,  as  well  as  that 
which  faces  the  interior  of  the  island,  it  is  enclosed  by  in- 
accessible precipices ;  while  the  spaces  between  these  parts 
require  only  slight  fortifications,  and  of  no  great  extent,  to 
make  them  secure.  On  it  is  an  eminence  which  serves  at 
once  as  an  acropolis  and  as  a  convenient  tower  of  observa- 
tion, commanding  the  surrounding  district.  It  is  also  sup- 
plied with  a  harbor  conveniently  situated  for  the  passage 
from  Drepana  and  Lilybaeum  to  Italy,  in  which  is  always 
an  abundant  depth  of  water.     Finally  the  height  can  be 


A   Carthaginian   Hero  1 1 1 

reached  by  three  ways  only  —  two  from  the  land  side  and 
one  from  the  sea,  and  all  of  them  difficult. 

Here  Hamilcar  intrenched  himself.  It  was  a  bold  meas-  His  wonder- 
ure ;  but  he  had  no  city  which  he  could  count  upon  as  ful  deeds- 
friendly,  and  no  other  hope  on  which  he  could  rely ;  and 
though  by  so  doing  he  placed  himself  in  the  very  midst  of 
the  enemy,  he  nevertheless  managed  to  involve  the  Romans 
in  many  struggles  and  dangers.  To  begin  with,  he  would 
start  from  this  place  and  ravage  the  seaboard  of  Italy  as 
far  as  Cumae ;  and  again  on  shore,  when  the  Romans  had 
pitched  a  camp  to  overawe  him,  in  front  of  the  city  of 
Panormus  within  about  five  stades  of  him,  he  harassed  them 
in  every  way,  and  forced  them  to  engage  in  numerous 
skirmishes  for  the  space  of  nearly  three  years.  Of  these 
combats  it  is  impossible  to  give  a  detailed  account  in 
writing. 

.Presently  however  Fortune,  acting  like  a  good  umpire  in  On  the  slope 
the  games,    transferred    him   by  a   bold    stroke    from  the  e™^01111* 
locality  just  described  and  from  the  contest  in  which  he   Po]ybju's  i# 
was  engaged,  to  a  struggle  of  greater  danger  and  to  a  local-   58- 
ity  of  narrower  dimensions.     The  Romans  were  occupying 
the  summit  of  Eryx,  and  had  a  guard  stationed  at  its  foot. 
But  Hamilcar  managed  to  seize  the  town  which  lay  between 
these  two  spots. 

There  ensued  a  siege  by  the  Romans  who  were  on  the 
summit,  supported  by  them  with  extraordinary  hardihood 
and  adventurous  daring.  The  Carthaginians  found  them- 
selves between  two  hostile  armies,  and  their  supplies  brought 
to  them  with  difficulty  because  they  communicated  with 
the  sea  at  only  one  point  and  by  one  road ;  yet  they  held 
out  with  a  determination  that  passes  belief.  Every  con- 
trivance which  skill  or  force  could  sustain  did  they  put  in 
use  against  each  other,  as  before ;  every  imaginable  priva- 
tion was  submitted  to ;  surprises  and  pitched  battles  were 
alike  tried  ;  and  finally  they  left  the  combat  a  drawn  one  .  .  . 
like  men  still  unbroken  and  unconquered.  .  .  .     The  two 


1 1 2      Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 


Hamilcar 

§oes  to 
pain. 

Polybius  ii.  i. 


nations  engaged  were  like  well-bred  game-cocks  which  fight 
to  their  last  gasp.  You  may  see  them  often,  when  too 
weak  to  use  their  wings,  yet  full  of  pluck  to  the  end,  and 
striking  again  and  again.  Finally  chance  brings  them  the 
opportunity  of  once  more  grappling,  and  they  hold  on  till 
one  or  the  other  of  them  drops  dead. 

341  b.c.  (At  last  the  Romans  destroyed  the  Carthaginian  fleet, 

whereupon  Hamilcar,  from  his  post  on  Mount  Eryx,  came 
to  terms  of  peace  with  the  enemy.  Immediately  a  war 
broke  out  between  Carthage  and  her  unpaid  mercenaries. 
By  crushing  the  mutineers,  Hamilcar  brought  this  mercenary 
war,  or  "  Libyan  war,"  to  an  end.) 

As  soon  as  they  had  brought  the  Libyan  War  to  a  conclu- 
sion, the  Carthaginians  collected  an  army  and  despatched 
it  under  the  command  of  Hamilcar  to  Iberia  (Spain). 
This  general  took  over  the  command  of  the  troops,  and 
with  his  son  Hannibal,  then  nine  years  old,  crossing  by  the 
Pillars  of  Hercules,  set  about  recovering  the  Carthaginian 
possessions  in  Iberia.  He  spent  nine  years  there,  and  after 
reducing  many  Iberian  tribes  by  war  or  diplomacy  to  Car- 
thaginian rule,  he  died  in  a  manner  worthy  of  his  great 
achievements ;  for  he  lost  his  life  in  a  battle  against  the 
most  warlike  and  most  powerful  tribes.  In  this  last  fight  he 
showed  a  brilliant  and  even  reckless  personal  daring. 

(When  in  his  last  years  Hannibal  was  an  exile  at  the 
court  of  Antiochus,  the  Seleucid  king,  he  told  how  his 
father  Hamilcar,  before  setting  out  for  Spain,  had  led  him 
to  the  altar  and  made  him  swear  eternal  hatred  to  Rome.) 

"  Antiochus,  while  I  was  yet  an  infant,  my  father  Hamil- 
car when  offering  a  sacrifice,  brought  me  up  to  the  altars, 
and  made  me  take  an  oath  that  I  would  never  be  a  friend 
to  the  Roman  people.  Under  the  obligation  of  this  oath 
I  carried  arms  against  them  thirty-six  years ;  this  oath  when 
peace  was  made  drove  me  from  my  country,  and  brought 
me  an  exile  to  your  court,  and  should  you  disappoint  my 

Livyxxxv.19.  hopes,  this  oath  shall  guide  me  till  I  traverse  every  quarter 


Hannibal's 
oath. 

Rome,  p.  1 18] 
Ancient  His- 
t°0>,  P-  33°' 


A  Born   Commander 


"3 


of  the  globe,  —  wherever  I  understand  there  are  resources, 
—  in  order  that  I  may  find  enemies  of  the  Romans.  .  .  . 
I  hate  the  Romans  and  am  hated  by  them.  That  I  speak 
the  truth,  Hamilcar  and  the  gods  are  witnesses.  Whenever, 
therefore,  you  shall  employ  your  thoughts  on  a  plan  of  wag- 
ing war  with  Rome,  consider  Hannibal  among  your  firmest 
friends.  If  circumstances  force  you  to  adopt  peaceful 
measures,  employ  some  one  else  with  whom  to  deliberate." 

(After  the  death  of  Hamilcar)  Hannibal  drew  upon  him- 
self the  eyes  of  the  whole  army.  The  veterans  imagined 
that  Hamilcar  in  his  youth  was  restored  to  them.  They 
noticed  the  same  vigor  in  his  looks  and  animation  in  his 
eye,  the  same  features  and  expression  of  the  face.  He  soon 
took  care  that  his  father  should  be  the  least  consideration 
in  winning  their  esteem.  Never  was  a  genius  more  fitted 
for  the  two  most  opposite  duties  of  obeying  and  command- 
ing; so  that  you  could  not  easily  decide  whether  he  was 
dearer  to  the  general  or  to  the  army.  Hasdrubal  never 
preferred  giving  the  command  to  any  other,  when  anything 
was  to  be  done  with  courage  and  despatch ;  nor  did  the 
soldiers  feel  more  confidence  or  boldness  under  any  other 
leader.  His  fearlessness  in  meeting  dangers  was  equalled 
only  by  his  prudence  in  overcoming  them.  Toil  could  not 
exhaust  his  body  or  subdue  his  mind,  and  he  could  endure 
heat  and  cold  alike.  He  ate  and  drank  not  for  pleasure 
but  only  what  nature  required.  Working  day  and  night,  he 
thought  of  sleep  after  finishing  his  labor ;  and  then  he  did 
not  seek  a  soft  bed  or  quiet  place,  but  wrapping  himself  in 
his  military  cloak,  he  would  lie  down  amid  the  watches  and 
the  outposts  of  his  army.  Though  he  dressed  as  a  common 
officer,  his  arms  and  his  horses  were  splendid.  He  was  by 
far  the  first  and  best  among  the  horse  and  foot,  —  the  fore- 
most to  advance  and  last  to  leave  an  engagement. 

Excessive  vices  counterbalanced  these  high  virtues  of  the 
hero,  —  inhuman  cruelty,  more  than  Punic  perfidy,  no  truth, 
no  reverence  for  things  sacred,  no  fear  of  the  gods,  no  re- 
i 


The  charac- 
ter of  Han- 
nibal. 

Livy  xxi.  4. 


(Hanibal's 
brother-in- 
law,  who  for ; 
time  held 
chief  com- 
mand.) 


(This  is  the 
misrepre- 
sentation of 
an  enemy.) 


1 1 4     Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 


His  resolve. 
Livy  xxi.  5. 


Rome, 
p.  104  f. ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  320  f. 


He  captures 

Saguntum. 

Polybius  iii. 
17. 


The  news 

reaches 

Rome. 

Livy  xxi.  16. 


spect  for  oaths,  no  sense  of  religion.  With  a  character  thus 
made  up  of  virtues  and  vices,  he  served  three  years  under 
the  command  of  Hasdrubal  without  neglecting  anything 
which  one  ought  to  do  or  see  who  was  to  become  a  great 
general. 

But  from  the  day  on  which  he  was  declared  general  (after 
the  death  of  Hasdrubal),  he  acted  as  if  Italy  had  been  de- 
creed him  as  his  province,  and  the  war  with  Rome  had  been 
committed  to  him.  Thinking  there  should  be  no  delay  lest, 
while  he  wasted  time,  some  unexpected  accident  might  defeat 
him  —  as  had  happened  to  his  father  Hamilcar  and  afterward 
to  Hasdrubal  —  he  resolved  to  make  war  on  the  Saguntines. 
An  attack  on  them  would  doubtless  excite  the  Romans  to  arms. 

After  a  siege  extending  to  the  eighth  month,  in  the  course 
of  which  he  endured  every  kind  of  suffering  and  anxiety,  he 
finally  took  the  town.  An  immense  booty  in  money,  slaves, 
and  property  fell  into  his  hands,  which  he  disposed  of  ac- 
cording to  his  original  design.  The  money  he  reserved  for 
the  needs  of  his  projected  expedition.  The  slaves  were  dis- 
tributed according  to  merit  among  his  men,  while  the  prop- 
erty was  at  once  sent  entire  to  Carthage.  The  result  answered 
his  expectations  :  the  army  was  more  eager  for  action ;  the 
home  populace  more  ready  to  grant  whatever  he  asked  ;  and 
he  was  himself  enabled  by  such  abundant  means  to  carry  out 
many  measures  which  were  of  service  to  his  expedition. 

About  this  time  the  ambassadors  who  had  returned  from 
Carthage  brought  news  to  Rome  that  all  appearances  were 
hostile,  and  reported  the  destruction  of  Saguntum.  Then 
such  grief  and  pity  for  allies  so  undeservedly  destroyed,  and 
shame  for  not  having  given  aid,  and  rage  against  the  Cartha- 
ginians, and  fear  for  the  issue  of  events,  as  if  the  enemy  were 
already  at  the  gates,  took  hold  of  the  senators.  Disturbed 
by  so  many  emotions,  they  trembled  with  fear  instead  of  de- 
liberating. For  they  knew  that  they  had  never  before  met 
a  more  spirited  or  warlike  enemy,  nor  had  their  state  ever 
before  been  so  sunk  in  sloth  and  unfit  for  war. 


Crossing  the  Alps  1 1 5 

(Polybius,  however,    does  not  believe  that   the  Romans  The  Roman 
were  so  troubled  by  the  news.     Such  stories,  he  says,  are   cShage*° 
the  gossip  of  the  street  and  of  the  barber  shop  rather  than 
history.) 

The  truth  is  that  when  the  Romans  heard  of  the  disaster 
at  Saguntum}  they  at  once  elected  envoys,  whom  they  de- 
spatched in  all  haste  to  Carthage  with  the  offer  of  two  alter-  Polybius  iii. 
natives,  one  of  which  appeared  to  the  Carthaginians  to  involve  2°' 
disgrace  as  well  as  injury  if  they  accepted  it,  while  the  other 
was  the  beginning  of  a  great  struggle  and  of  great  dangers. 
For  one  of  these  alternatives  was  the  surrender  of  Hannibal 
and  his  staff  to  Rome,  the  other  was  war.  When  the  Roman 
envoys  arrived  and  declared  their  message  to  the  senate,  the 
Carthaginians  listened  to  the  proposals  with  indignation. 

The  Second  Punic  War 

To  the  arguments  of  the  Carthaginians  the  ambassadors  War 
made  no  answer,  except  that  the  senior  among  them,  in  the   declared- 
presence  of  the  assembly,  pointed  to  the  folds  of  his  toga 
and  said  that  in  them  he  carried  peace  and  war,  and  that  he 
would  bring  out  and  leave  with  them  whichever  they  bade  him.    Polybius  iii. 
The  Carthaginian  king  bade  him  bring  out  whichever  of  the  33* 
two  he  chose ;  and  upon  the  Roman's  replying  that  it  should 
be  war,  a  majority  of  the  senators  cried  out  in  answer  that 
they  accepted  it. 

(Hannibal  then  led  his  well-trained  army  over  the  Pyre-   Crossing  the 
nees  and  marched  rapidly  through  Gaul.     With  the  ascent      Ps>2l8B-c- 
of  the  Alps,   the  real  difficulties  of  his  journey  began  to 
appear.)     For  as  long   as   the  Carthaginians  were   in   the 
plains,  the  chiefs  of  the  Allobroges  refrained  from  attacking   (A  Gallic 
them,  through  fear  of  their  cavalry  as  well  as  of  the  Gauls  ^£  Rhone?) 
who  were  escorting  Hannibal. 

But  when  the  Gauls  set  out  for  home  and  Hannibal  began   Polybius  iii. 
to  enter  the  mountainous  region,  the  chiefs  of  the  Allobroges  5°* 
collected  large  numbers  of  their  tribe  and  occupied  the  points 


1 1 6     Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 

of  vantage  in  advance,  on  the  route  by  which  Hannibal's 
troops  were  forced  to  make  their  ascent.  If  they  had  only 
kept  their  design  secret,  the  Carthaginian  army  would  have 
been  entirely  destroyed.  As  it  was,  their  plans  became 
known,  and  though  they  did  much  damage  to  Hannibal's 
army,  they  suffered  as  much  themselves.  For  when  that 
general  learned  that  the  natives  were  occupying  the  points 
of  vantage,  he  halted  and  pitched  his  camp  at  the  foot  of 
the  pass,  and  sent  forward  some  of  his  Gallic  guides  to  recon- 
noitre the  enemy  and  discover  their  plan  of  operations. 
The  order  was  obeyed ;  and  he  ascertained  that  it  was  the 
enemy's  practice  to  keep  under  arms,  and  to  guard  these 
posts  carefully  during  the  day,  but  at  night  to  retire  to  some 
town  in  the  neighborhood. 

Hannibal  accordingly  adapted  his  measures  to  this  strat- 
egy of  the  enemy.      He   marched   forward  in  broad  day- 
light, and  as  soon  as  he  came  to  the  mountainous  part  of 
the   road,  he  pitched  his  camp  but  a  little  way  from    the 
enemy.      At   nightfall  he  gave  orders   for  the   watch-fires 
to  be  lit ;  and  leaving  the  main  body  of  his  troops   in  the 
camp  and  selecting  the  most  suitable  of  his  men,  he  had 
them  armed  lightly,  and  led  them  through  the  narrow  parts 
of  the  road  during  the  night,  and  seized  on  the  spots  which 
had  been  previously  occupied  by  the  enemy;  for  according 
to  their  custom  they  had  abandoned  these  heights  for  the 
nearest  town. 
Fighting  in         When  day  broke,  the  natives  saw  what  had  taken  place, 
mountains      anc*  at  ^rst  desisted  fr°m  ^eir  attempts  j  but  presently  the 
Poiybius  iii      s'Snt:  °f  tne  immense  string  of  beasts  of  burden  and  of  the 
Si.  cavalry  slowly  and  painfully  making   the   ascent,    tempted 

them  to  attack  the  advancing  line.  They  fell  upon  it  accord- 
ingly at  many  points  at  once;  and  the  Carthaginians  suffered 
severe  losses,  not  so  much  at  the  hands  of  the  enemy  as  from 
the  dangerous  nature  of  the  ground,  which  proved  especially 
fatal  to  the  horses  and  the  beasts  of  burden.  For  as  the 
ascent  was  not  only  narrow  and  rough  but  flanked  also  with 


Fighting  under  Difficulties         117 

precipices,  which  tended  at  every  moment  to  throw  the  line 
into  disorder,  large  numbers  of  the  pack  animals  were  hurled 
down  the  precipices  with  their  loads  on  their  backs.  And 
what  added  more  than  anything  else  to  this  sort  of  confusion 
were  the  wounded  horses ;  for  maddened  by  their  wounds, 
they  either  turned  round  and  ran  into  the  advancing  beasts 
of  burden,  or  rushing  furiously  forward,  dashed  aside  every- 
thing that  came  in  their  way  on  the  narrow  path,  and  so  threw 
the  whole  line  into  disorder. 

Hannibal  saw  what  was  taking  place ;  and  knowing  that  Hannibal 
even  if  they  escaped  this  attack,  they  could  never  survive  wms* 
the  loss  of  all  their  baggage,  he  took  with  him  the  men  who 
had  seized  the  strongholds  in  the  night  and  went  to  the 
relief  of  the  advancing  line.  With  the  advantage  of  charg- 
ing the  enemy  from  higher  ground,  he  inflicted  a  severe 
loss  upon  them  but  suffered  as  severe  a  loss  in  his  own 
army;  for  the  commotion  in  the  line  now  grew  worse  and  in 
both  directions  at  once,  because  of  the  shouts  and  struggles 
of  the  combatants.  It  was  not  till  he  had  killed  the  greater 
number  of  the  Allobroges,  and  had  forced  the  rest  to  flee  to 
their  own  land,  that  the  remainder  of  the  pack  animals  and 
the  horses  got  slowly  and  with  difficulty  over  the  dangerous 
ground. 

After  the  fight  Hannibal  himself  rallied  as  many  as  he  A  town 
could,  and  assailed  the  town  from  which  the  enemy  had  taken* 
come  forth.  Finding  it  almost  deserted  because  the  inhabit- 
ants had  all  been  tempted  out  by  the  hope  of  booty,  he 
got  possession  of  it,  and  thereby  he  derived  many  advan- 
tages for  the  future  as  well  as  for  the  present.  The  imme- 
diate gain  was  a  large  number  of  horses  and  pack  animals 
and  men  taken  with  them ;  and  for  future  use  he  got  a 
supply  of  corn  and  cattle  enough  for  two  or  three  days. 
But  the  most  important  result  of  all  was  the  terror  inspired 
in  the  tribes  farther  on,  which  prevented  any  of  those  who 
lived  near  the  ascent  from  lightly  venturing  to  meddle  with 
him  again. 


1 1 8     Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 


They  reach 
the  summit. 

Livy  xxi.  35. 


(Toward  the 
end  of 
October.) 


"On  the 
ramparts  of 
Italy." 


Strange 
happenings 
at  Rome, 
218-217  B.C. 

Livy  xxi.  62. 


(After  bravely  facing  many  such  difficulties  and  dangers) 
they  came  on  the  ninth  day  to  the  summit  of  the  Alps.  In 
making  their  way  chiefly  through  trackless  regions,  they  had 
often  missed  their  course  through  the  treachery  of  guides 
or  by  entering  valleys  at  random,  in  their  attempts  to  guess 
the  route.  For  two  days  they  encamped  on  the  summit, 
while  the  soldiers,  exhausted  with  toil  and  fighting,  rested. 
Meantime  several  beasts  of  burden,  which  had  fallen  down 
among  the  rocks,  reached  the  camp.  The  Pleiades  were 
now  setting,  and  a  fall  of  snow  caused  great  fear  among  the 
soldiers,  who  were  already  worn  out  with  their  many  hard- 
ships. 

As  the  standards  were  moved  forward  at  daybreak,  and 
the  army  proceeded  slowly  over  ground  entirely  blocked 
with  snow,  weariness  and  despair  strongly  appeared  in  the 
soldiers'  faces.  But  Hannibal,  advancing  in  front  of  the 
standard,  ordered  the  soldiers  to  halt  on  a  certain  eminence, 
whence  they  had  a  view  far  and  wide.  There  pointing  out 
to  them  Italy  and  the  plains  of  the  Po  which  extended  be- 
neath the  Alpine  mountains,  he  said,  "  We  have  surmounted 
the  ramparts  not  only  of  Italy  but  also  of  the  city  of  Rome. 
The  rest  of  our  journey  will  be  smooth  and  down-hill.  After 
one  or  at  most  a  second  battle,  we  shall  hold  in  our  power 
and  possession  the  citadel  and  capital  of  Italy." 

(After  suffering  heavy  losses  Hannibal  reached  the  plain 
of  the  Po  River,  where  he  defeated  the  Romans  in  two 
battles.     He  then  rested  his  army  till  spring.) 

In  and  about  Rome  that  winter  many  prodigies  occurred  ; 
or,  as  usually  happens  when  the  minds  of  men  are  once 
inclined  to  superstition,  many  were  reported  and  readily 
believed.  As  instances  of  these  wonders  it  was  said  that 
an  infant  only  six  months  old  and  of  good  family  had  called 
out  in  the  herb  market  "  Io  triumphe  ! "  that  in  the  cattle 
market  an  ox  had  of  his  own  accord  climbed  to  the  third 
story,  and  frightened  thence  by  the  noise  of  the  occupants, 
had  flung  himself  down ;  that  ships  had  been  clearly  seen 


An  Ambuscade  119 

in  the  sky;  that  the  temple  of  Hope  in  the  herb  market 
had  been  struck  by  lightning ;  that  the  spear  at  Lanuvium 
had  shaken  itself;  that  a  crow  had  flown  down  into  the 
temple  of  Juno  and  alighted  on  the  very  couch ;  that  in 
the  territory  of  Amiternum  figures  like  men  dressed  in 
white  had  been  seen  in  several  places  at  a  distance,  but  had 
not  come  close  to  any  one ;  that  in  Picenum  it  had  rained 
stones ;  that  at  Caere  the  tablets  for  divination  had  dimin- 
ished in  size ;  and  that  in  Gaul  a  wolf  had  snatched  the 
sword  from  the  scabbard  of  a  soldier  on  guard,  and  had 
carried  it  off. 

(Early  in  the  spring  Hannibal  crossed  the  Apennines  into  The  battle 
Etruria   and   marched   along   the   highway  toward    Rome,   xrasimene 
Flaminius,  one  of  the  consuls,  followed  close  behind  with   217  b.c. 
an  army.) 

The  Carthaginians  now  reached  a  place  formed  by  nature 
for  an  ambuscade,  where  Lake  Trasimene  comes  nearest  to 
Mount  Cortona.     A  very  narrow  passage  only  intervenes,  as   Livy  xxii.  4. 
though  room  enough  had  been  left  just  for  that  purpose. 
Then  a  somewhat  wider  plain  opens,  and  still  farther  some 
hills  rise  up.     On  these  heights  Hannibal  pitched  his  camp 
in  full  view,  where  he  posted  his  Spaniards  and  Africans 
under  his  own  command.     The  Baleares  and  his  other  light   (Slingers 
troops  he  had  ranged  round  the  mountain ;  his  cavalry  he   Baleares 
posted  at  the  very  entrance  of   the  defile  —  conveniently  islands.) 
hidden  behind  some  rising  ground  —  in  order  that  when  the 
Romans  had   entered,  the   horsemen   might   advance  and 
every   place   be   closed    by   the   lake   and    the   mountain. 
Flaminius  passed   the   defile  before  it  was  quite  daylight. 
He  did  not  previously  reconnoitre,  though  he  had  reached 
the  lake  the  preceding  day  at  sunset. 

When  the  troops  began  to  spread  into  the  wider  plain,  The  Romans 
the  commander  saw  that  part  only  of  the  enemy  which  was   surrounded 
opposite  him;    the    ambuscade   in   his  rear  and  overhead 
escaped  his  notice.     And  when  Hannibal  had  his  enemy 
enclosed  by  the  lake  and  mountain,  and  surrounded  by  his 


120     Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 


The  begin- 
ning of  the 
fight. 


The  consul. 
Livy  xxii.  5. 


Confusion. 


troops,  he  gave  the  signal  for  all  at  the  same  time  to  charge, 
whereupon  each  began  to  run  down  the  nearest  way.  To 
the  Romans  the  event  was  all  the  more  sudden  and  unex- 
pected because  of  a  mist  which  had  risen  from  the  lake,  and 
was  settling  thicker  on  the  plain  than  on  the  ridge.  For 
this  reason  the  Punic  troops  ran  down  from  the  various 
heights  in  fair  sight  of  one  another  and  therefore  with 
greater  regularity. 

As  the  battle-cry  rose  on  all  sides,  the  Romans  found 
themselves  surrounded  before  they  could  well  see  the 
enemy;  and  the  attack  on  the  front  and  flank  had  begun 
before  their  line  could  be  well  formed,  their  arms  prepared 
for  action,  or  their  swords  unsheathed. 

Though  all  the  rest  were  in  a  panic,  the  consul  faced  the 
peril  undaunted.  As  the  men  turned  toward  the  various 
shouts,  they  threw  the  line  into  confusion,  but  Flaminius 
marshalled  them  as  well  as  time  and  place  permitted. 
Wherever  he  came  within  hearing,  he  encouraged  them,  and 
bade  them  stand  and  fight.  "  We  can  escape,"  he  cried, 
"  not  by  vows  and  prayers  to  the  gods  but  by  courage  and 
energy.  Let  us  hew  our  way  with  the  sword  through  the 
midst  of  their  marshalled  battalions  —  the  less  the  fear  the 
less  the  danger  ! " 

But  in  the  noise  and  tumult  the  men  heard  not  his  advice 
and  command;  and  so  far  were  they  from  knowing  their 
own  standards  and  ranks  and  position,  that  they  hardly  had 
enough  courage  to  take  arms  and  make  ready  for  battle. 
Some,  surprised  before  they  could  don  their  armor,  were 
burdened  rather  than  protected  by  it.  In  the  thick  dark- 
ness there  was  more  use  for  ears  than  for  eyes.  Vainly 
peering  in  every  direction,  they  could  only  hear  the  groans 
of  the  dying,  the  clash  of  blows  upon  armor,  the  mingled 
clamor  of  threats  and  fear.  Some  in  their  flight  ran  into 
bands  of  fighters ;  others  renewing  the  struggle  were  turned 
back  by  crowds  of  runaways. 

In  vain  the   Romans  charged  in  every  direction,  there 


Defeat  1 2 1 

was  no  hope  of  escape  ;  for  on  their  flanks  the  mountain  and   A  desperate 
lake,  on  the  front  and  rear  the  lines  of  the  enemy  encompassed   stru£Sle- 
them.     As  they  saw  their  only  safety  lay  in  the  right  hand 
and  the  sword,  each  man  became  his  own  leader  and  en- 
courager  to  action,  and  an  entirely  new  struggle  arose, — 
not  in  a  regular  line  of  battle,  with  principes,  hastati,  and    (The  three 
triarii,  nor  of  such  a  sort  as  when  the  vanguard  fights  before   heavyfn- 
the  standards  and  the  rest  of  the  troops  behind  them,  nor  fantry ;  Rome, 
when  each  soldier  stands  in  his  own  legion,  cohort  and  ^Ancient 
company ;  chance  collected   them  into  bands ;    and   each   History 
man's  will  assigned  him  his  post,  to  fight  in  front  or  rear. 
So  great  was  the  ardor  of  battle,  so  intent  were  their  minds 
upon  the  fray,  that  not  one  of  the  combatants  felt  an  earth- 
quake which  threw  down  large  parts  of  many  Italian  cities, 
turned  rivers  from  their  rapid  courses,  carried  the  sea  up 
into  rivers,  and  levelled  mountains  with  a  tremendous  crash. 

Nearly  three  hours  the  battle  raged,  and  in  every  quarter  Flaminius 
fiercely ;  around  the  consul  it  was  hottest  and  most  deter-     •"•*• 
mined.      With   the   strongest   of  his   troops   he   promptly     ,vyxxn-   • 
brought  assistance  wherever  he  saw  his  men  hard  pressed 
or  worried.     Knowing  him   by  his   armor,  the  enemy  at- 
tacked him  furiously,  while  his  countrymen  defended  him. 
Finally  an  Insubrian  horseman  named  Ducarius,  recognizing 
his  face,  said  to  his  fellows,  "  Lo,  this  is  the  consul  who   (He  had 
slew  our  legions  and  laid  waste  our  fields  and  cities.     Now  themandhad 
will  I  offer  this  victim  to  the  shades  of  my  countrymen  conquered 

,,..,,,         ,  .  1  .    1  iiii    their  country. 

miserably  slam  !  and  putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  he  dashed  223  b.c.) 
through  a  dense  throng  of  the  enemy.  First  he  killed  the 
consul's  armor-bearer,  who  had  opposed  himself  to  the 
attack;  then  he  ran  the  consul  through  with  a  lance. 
The  veterans,  by  opposing  their  shields,  kept  him  from 
despoiling  the  body. 

Then  for  the  first  time  many  took  to  flight.     Neither  Flight, 
lake  nor  mountain  could  now  check  their  hurried  retreat ; 
they  ran  over  steep  and  narrow  ways,  as  though  they  were 
blind ;  arms  and  men  tumbled  upon  one  another.     Finding 


122      Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 

nowhere  else  to  run,  many  retreating  first  into  the  shallow 
water  along  the  shore,  plunged  farther  in  till  only  their 
heads  and  shoulders  reached  above.  Some  thoughtlessly 
tried  to  escape  by  swimming;  but  as  the  attempt  failed, 
they  lost  courage  and  were  drowned  in  the  deep  water ;  or 
wearied  to  no  purpose,  they  made  their  way  with  extreme 
difficulty  back  to  the  shallows,  —  only  to  be  cut  down  by 
the  cavalry  of  the  enemy,  who  had  waded  into  the  water. 

Nearly  six  thousand  men  in  the  van  gallantly  forced  their 
way  through  the  opposing  enemy,  and  without  knowing  what 
was  happening  in  the  rear,  escaped  from  the  defile.  Stop- 
ping on  a  certain  height,  and  hearing  naught  but  the  shouts 
and  the  clash  of  arms,  they  could  not  through  the  mist 
discover  what  was  the  fortune  of  the  battle. 
An  army  de-  At  length  the  contest  was  decided  ;  and  when  the  increas- 
stroyed.  jng  heat  0f  the  sun  had  dispelled  the  mist  and  cleared  the 
air,  —  then  in  the  bright  light  the  mountains  and  the  plains 
displayed  the  ruin  of  the  Roman  army. 

This  is  the  famous  battle  of  Lake  Trasimene,  recorded 
among  the  few  disasters  of  Rome.  Fifteen  thousand  Romans 
were  killed  in  the  struggle.  Ten  thousand,  who  had  scat- 
tered in  flight  through  all  Etruria,  returned  to  the  city  by 
various  roads.  A  thousand  five  hundred  of  the  enemy 
perished. 

(Next  year  Hannibal  inflicted  a  still  more  terrible  defeat 

upon  the  Romans  at  Cannae ;  and  though  this  was  his  last 

brilliant  victory,  he  maintained  himself  in  Italy  many  years. 

201  b.c.  Finally  he  had  to  return  to  Carthage  and  make  peace  with 

Rome.) 

The  great-  Who  could  help  admiring  this  great  man's  strategic  skill, 

nibal°     an"  courage,  and  ability,  when  one  looks  to  the  length  of  time 

Poiybius  xi.     during  which  he  displayed  those  qualities,  and  realizes  to 

l9-  one's  self  the  pitched  battles,  the  skirmishes  and  sieges,  the 

revolutions  and  counter-revolutions  of  states,  the  vicissitudes 

of  fortune,  and  in  fact  the  whole  course  of  his  design  and  its 

execution  ? 


Hannibal's  Genius 


123 


For  sixteen  continuous  years  Hannibal  maintained  the  war 
with  Rome  in  Italy,  without  once  releasing  his  army  from 
service  in  the  field,  but  keeping  those  vast  numbers  under 
control,  like  a  good  pilot,  without  any  sign  of  dissatisfaction 
toward  himself  or  toward  one  another.  This  he  did  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  the  troops  in  his  service,  so  far  from  being 
of  the  same  tribe,  were  not  even  of  the  same  race.  He  had 
Libyans,  Iberians,  Ligurians,  Celts,  Phoenicians,  Italians,  and 
Greeks,  who  naturally  had  nothing  in  common  with  one  an- 
other, —  neither  laws  nor  customs  nor  language.  Yet  the 
skill  of  the  commander  was  such  that  these  differences,  so 
manifold  and  so  wide,  did  not  disturb  obedience  to  one  word 
of  command  and  to  a  single  will. 

And  yet  circumstances  were  not  by  any  means  unvarying ; 
for  though  the  breeze  of  fortune  set  strongly  in  his  favor,  it 
as  often  blew  adversely.  We  have  therefore  good  ground 
for  admiring  Hannibal's  display  of  ability  in  war ;  and  we 
should  not  hesitate  to  say  that  had  he  reserved  his  attack 
upon  the  Romans  until  he  had  first  subdued  other  parts  of 
the  world,  not  one  of  his  projects  would  have  eluded  his 
grasp.  As  it  was,  he  began  with  those  whom  he  should  have 
attacked  last,  and  with  them  accordingly  he  began  and  ended 
his  career. 

(Some  time  afterward,  feeling  that  he  was  not  safe  from  The  end  of 
Roman  hatred  even  in  his  own  city,  Hannibal  fled  from  Hanm  a  ■ 
Carthage  and  went  to  Antiochus,  the  Seleucid  king,  who  was 
entering  upon  a  war  with  Rome.  When  peace  was  made, 
Hannibal  took  refuge  with  Prusias,  king  of  Bithynia.  Some 
Romans  under  Flamininus  came  in  pursuit,  and  Prusias 
treacherously  betrayed  his  guest.  The  soldiers  surrounded 
the  house  in  which  the  great  Carthaginian  lodged.)  Calling 
for  the  poison  which  he  always  had  ready  for  such  an  event, 
Hannibal  said  to  those  who  were  with  him  : 

"  Let   us   relieve  the  Romans  of  their  anxiety,  for  they   Livy  xxxix. 
think  it  too  long  to  wait  for  the  death  of  an  old  man.     Fla-   SI" 
minimis  will  gain  no  great  or  memorable  victory  over  one  un- 


124     Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 

armed  and  betrayed  soldier.  Of  what  a  change  has  taken 
place  in  the  character  of  the  Romans,  this  day  affords  abundant 
proof.  Their  fathers  gave  warning  to  Pyrrhus,  their  armed 
foe,  then  leading  an  army  against  them  in  Italy,  to  beware 
of  poison.  The  men  of  this  generation  have  sent  an  ambas- 
sador of  consular  rank  to  persuade  Prusias  villainously  to 
murder  his  guest."  Then  imprecating  curses  on  the  head  of 
Prusias  and  on  his  kingdom,  and  calling  on  the  gods  of  hos- 
pitality, who  were  witnesses  of  this  breach  of  faith,  he  drank 
the  cup.     This  was  the  end  of  the  life  of  Hannibal. 

The  Destruction  and  the  Restoration  of  Carthage 


The  Third 
Punic  War, 
149-146  B.C. 


Polybius 
xxxix.  5. 


(In  149  b.c.  the  Romans  again  made  war  upon  Carthage ; 
and  three  years  later  Scipio  ^Emilianus  captured  the  city. 
Appian's  story  of  the  sack  of  Carthage  is  quoted  in  Rome, 
pp.  124-126.) 

At  the  sight  of  the  city  utterly  perishing  amid  the  flames, 
Scipio  burst  into  tears,  and  stood  long  reflecting  on  the 
inevitable  change  which  awaits  cities,  nations,  and  dynasties, 
one  and  all,  as  it  does  every  one  of  us  men.  This,  he 
thought,  had  befallen  Ilium,  once  a  powerful  city,  and  the 
once  mighty  empires  of  the  Assyrians,  Medes,  Persians,  and 
that  of  Macedonia  lately  so  splendid.  And  unintentionally 
or  purposely  he  quoted  — 

"  The  day  shall  be  when  holy  Troy  shall  fall, 
And  Priam,  lord  of  spears,  and  Priam's  folk." 

—  Iliad,  VI.  448. 

And  on  my  asking  boldly — for  I  had  been  his  tutor  — 
what  he  meant  by  these  words,  he  did  not  name  Rome 
distinctly,  but  was  evidently  fearing  for  her,  from  this  sight 
of  the  mutability  of  human  affairs. 

Another  still  more  remarkable  saying  of  his  I  may  record. 
(When  he  had  given  the  order  for  firing  the  town)  he 
immediately  turned  round  and  grasped  me  by  the   hand 


Carthage  a  Roman   Colony         125 

and  said,  "  Polybius,  it  is  a  grand  thing,  but,  I  know  not 
how,  I  feel  a  terror  and  dread  lest  some  one  should  one  day 
give  the  same  order  about  my  own  native  city." 

Some  time  afterward  in  the  tribunate  of  Gaius  Gracchus   Carthage  re- 
uprisings  occurred  on  account  of  scarcity,  and  it  was  de-  built* 
cided  to  send  six  thousand  colonists  to  Africa.     When  they   Rome<  P- 158- 
were  laying  out  the  land  for  this  purpose  in  the  vicinity  of  Appian, 
Carthage,  all  the  boundary  lines  were  torn  down  and  de-   f"£tc  Wars> 
stroyed  by  wolves.     Then   the    senate   put  a  stop  to  the 
settlement.     At   a   still   later   time    Caesar,  who   afterward 
became  dictator  for  life,  pursued  Pompey  to  Egypt,  and 
Pompey's    friends    from    there    to   Africa.     When   on   this 
occasion  he  was  encamped  near  the  site  of  Carthage,  it  is 
said  that  he  was  troubled  in  a  dream  in  which  he  saw  a 
whole    army  weeping,   and   that   he   immediately  made   a 
memorandum  in  writing  that  Carthage  should  be  colonized. 
Not   long   afterward    he    returned    to   Rome ;    and   while 
making  a  distribution  of  lands  to  the  poor,  he  arranged 
to  send  some  of  them  to  Carthage  and  some  to  Corinth. 
But  he  was  assassinated  shortly  afterward  by  his  enemies  in 
the   Roman   senate,    and    his    son   Augustus,   finding   this 
memorandum,  built  the  present  Carthage,  not  on  the  site 
of  the  old  city  but  very  near  it,  in  order   to   avoid  the 
ancient  curse.     I  have  ascertained  that  he  sent  about  three 
thousand  colonists  from  Rome  and  that  the  rest  came  from 
the  neighboring  country.     In   this  way  the  Romans  took 
Africa   from   the    Carthaginians,    destroyed    Carthage,    and 
repeopled  it  a  hundred  and  two  years  after  its  destruction. 

(In  the  period  extending  from  the  opening  of  the  First  Summary  of 
Punic  War  to  the  tribunate  of  Tiberius  Gracchus —  264-133  con^ues  s* 
b.c.  —  Rome  conquered  many  other  nations  besides  the 
Carthaginians,  and  extended  her  sway  and  protectorate 
from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  eastward  to  Mount  Taurus  and 
the  Nile.  See  map  for  chs.  v,  vi,  in  Rome,  or  in  part  III  of 
Ancient  History. 


1 26     Expansion  of  the  Roman   Power 


STUDIES 

1.  Do  you  suppose  that  the  Romans  really  knew  how  Carthage  was 
founded  ? 

2.  Contrast  the  Carthaginians  with  the  Romans  in  (1)  government, 
(2)  military  resources  and  power,  (3)  skill  and  physical  strength, 
(4)  honesty. 

3.  Give  an  account  of  the  seizure  of  Messene  and  of  Rhegium. 
What  do  you  think  of  the  conduct  of  the  Romans  toward  the  captors 
of  these  two  cities  respectively  ?  Were  the  Romans  doing  right  in  aid- 
ing the  Mamertines  ? 

4.  Give  Appian's  account  of  Regulus  and  Xanthippus.  Compare 
the  account  given  in  Rome,  p.  100;  Ancient  History  p.  317  f.  (from 
Polybius).  What  is  Polybius'  estimate  of  the  value  of  history  as  illus- 
trated by  the  fate  of  these  two  generals  ? 

5.  From  the  maps  {Rome,  pp.  1,  95;  Ancient  History,  pp.  255,  315) 
describe  the  location  of  Sicily,  Ecnomus,  Messene,  Mount  Ercte,  Pan- 
ormus,  Mount  Eryx,  Lilybaeum,  Drepana,  the  ^Egatian  Islands,  Cartha- 
ginian Libya,  and  Spain  (Iberia). 

6.  Write  a  biography  of  Hamilcar  Barca,  including  a  description  of 
his  character. 

7.  Write  a  biography  of  Hannibal,  and  describe  his  character. 
Whose  character  in  the  Second  Punic  War  was  the  more  admirable, 
that  of  Hannibal  or  that  of  the  Romans  ?  Would  the  success  of  Han- 
nibal have  benefited  the  world  ? 

8.  Give  an  account  of  Flaminius. 

9.  What  led  to  the  Roman  colonization  of  Carthage  ? 


CHAPTER   VI 

Government  and  Character 

Second  Period  of  the  Republic  —  Internal  History 
(264-133  B.C.) 

THE   GOVERNMENT 

The  Roman  government  has  three  factors,  each  of  them  The  three 
possessing  sovereign  power ;  and  their  respective  shares  of  ^estate?" 
power   in   the  whole  state  have  been  regulated  with  such  of  the  gov- 
scrupulous  regard  to  equality  and  balance  that  no  one  can   ernmen  ' 
say  for  certain,  not  even  a  native,  whether  the  constitution   Ix°  y 
as  a  whole  is  an  aristocracy  or   democracy  or  despotism. 
And  no  wonder :  for  if  we  confine  our  observation  to  the 
power  of  the  consuls,  we  should  be  inclined  to  regard  it  as 
despotic;    if  to  that  of  the  senate,  as  aristocratic;  and  if 
finally  one  looks  at  the  power  possessed  by  the  people,  it 
would  seem  a  clear  case  of  democracy.     What   the  exact 
powers  of   these  several  parts  were,   and  still  with  slight 
modifications  are,  I  will  now  state. 

Before  leading  out   the   legions,  the   consuls  remain  at   I.  The  con- 
Rome  and  are  supreme  masters  of  the  administration.     All  su  s' 
other  magistrates   except  the  tribunes   (of  the  plebs)    are   z°y 
under  them  and  take  their  orders.     They  introduce  foreign 
ambassadors  to  the  senate,  bring  before  it  matters  requiring 
deliberation,  and  see  to  the  execution  of  its  decrees.     If 
again  there  are  any  matters  of  state  which  require  ratifica- 
tion by  the  people,  it  is  their  business  to  attend  to  these 
affairs,  to  summon  the  popular  meetings,  to  bring  the  pro- 
posals before  the  assembly,  and  to  carry  out  the  decrees 
of  the  majority. 

127 


128         Government  and  Character 


Their 
powers  in 


II.  The  sen- 
ate. 

Polybius  vi. 
13- 


{Lustrum, 
lustration, 
the  ceremony 
of  purifica- 
tion at  the 
close  of  the 
census- 
taking  ; 
hence  the 
period  from 
one  census 
to  another.) 

Its  powers 
in  Italy. 


In  the  preparations  for  war,  too,  and  briefly  in  the  entire 
management  of  a  campaign,  they  have  all  but  absolute 
power.  It  is  their  right  to  impose  on  the  allies  such  levies 
as  they  think  good,  to  appoint  the  military  tribunes,  to  make 
up  the  roll  of  soldiers,  and  to  select  those  who  are  suitable. 
Besides  they  have  absolute  power  of  inflicting  punishment 
on  all  who  are  under  their  command  while  in  active  service ; 
and  they  have  authority  to  expend  as  much  of  the  public 
money  as  they  choose,  for  they  are  accompanied  by  a 
quaestor  who  is  entirely  at  their  orders.  A  survey  of  these 
powers  would  in  fact  justify  our  describing  the  constitution 
as  despotic,  —  a  clear  case  of  royal  government.  Nor  will 
it  affect  the  truth  of  my  description,  if  any  of  the  institu- 
tions I  have  described  are  changed  in  our  time,  or  in  that 
of  our  posterity.     The  same  remarks  apply  to  what  follows. 

The  senate  first  of  all  controls  the  treasury,  and  regulates 
the  receipts  and  disbursements  alike.  For  the  quaestors 
cannot  issue  any  public  money  for  the  various  departments 
of  the  state  without  a  decree  of  the  senate,  except  for  the 
service  of  the  consuls.  The  senate  controls  also  what  is  by 
far  the  largest  and  most  important  expenditure,  —  that  which 
is  made  by  the  censors  every  lustrum  for  the  repair  or  con- 
struction of  public  buildings  ;  this  money  cannot  be  obtained 
by  the  censors  except  by  the  grant  of  the  senate. 

Similarly  all  crimes  committed  in  Italy  requiring  a  public 
investigation,  such  as  treason,  conspiracy,  poisoning,  or  wil- 
ful murder,  are  in  the  hands  of  the  senate.  Besides  if  any 
individual  or  state  among  the  Italian  allies  requires  a  contro- 
versy to  be  settled,  a  penalty  to  be  assessed,  help  or  protection 
to  be  afforded,  —  all  this  is  the  province  of  the  senate.  Or 
again  outside  Italy,  if  it  is  necessary  to  send  an  embassy  to 
reconcile  warring  communities,  or  to  remind  them  of  their 
duty,  or  sometimes  to  impose  requisitions  upon  them,  or  to 
receive  their  submission,  or  finally  to  proclaim  war  against 
them,  —  this  too  is  the  business  of  the  senate. 

In  like  manner  the  reception  given  to  foreign  ambassadors 


The  People  129 

at  Rome,  and  the  answers  to  be  returned  to  them,  are  de-  Its  powers 
cided  by  the  senate.  With  such  business  the  people  have  jjjfairs!gn 
nothing  to  do.  Consequently  if  one  were  staying  at  Rome 
when  the  consuls  were  not  in  town,  one  would  imagine  the 
constitution  to  be  a  complete  aristocracy  ;  and  this  has  been 
the  idea  entertained  by  many  Greeks,  and  by  many  kings  as 
well,  from  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the  business  they  had  with 
Rome  was  settled  by  the  senate. 

After  this  discussion  one  would  naturally  be  inclined  to   III.  The 
ask  what  part  in  the  constitution  is  left  for  the  people,  when   peop  e' 
the  senate  has  these  various  functions,  especially  the  control   J>°1ybms  vl- 
of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  the  treasury,  and  when 
the  consuls  again  have  absolute  power  over  the  details  of 
military  preparations  and  an  absolute  authority  in  the  field? 
There  is  however  a  part  left  for  the  people,  and  it  is  a  most 
important  one.     For   the  people   are  the  sole  fountain  of 
honor  and  of  punishment;  and  it  is  by  these  two  powers 
and  these  alone  that  dynasties  and  constitutions  and,  in  a 
word,  human  society  are  held  together.     For  where  the  dis- 
tinction between  them  is  not  sharply  drawn  both  in  theory 
and  practice,  there  no  undertaking  can  be  properly  admin- 
istered, —  as  indeed  we  might  expect  when  good  and  bad 
are  held  in  exactly  the  same  honor. 

The  people  then  are  the  only  court  to  decide  matters  of  Their  power 
life  and  death  ;  and  even  in  cases  where  the  penalty  is  money,  in  tnals- 
if  the  sum  to  be  assessed  is  sufficiently  serious,  and  especially 
when  the  accused  have  held  the  higher  magistracies.  And 
in  regard  to  this  arrangement  there  is  one  point  deserving 
especial  commendation  and  record.  Men  who  are  on  trial 
for  their  lives  at  Rome,  while  sentence  is  in  process  of  being 
voted,  —  if  one  tribe  only  whose  vote  is  needed  to  ratify  the 
sentence  has  not  voted,  —  have  the  privilege  of  openly  de- 
parting and  condemning  themselves  to  voluntary  exile. 
Such  men  are  safe  at  Naples  or  Praeneste  or  at  Tibur,  or 
at  other  town  with  which  this  arrangement  has  been  duly 
ratified  on  oath. 


130 


Government  and  Character 


In  elections, 
legislation, 
and  foreign 
affairs. 


Relations  of 
these  three 
parts,  or 
estates,  to 
one  another. 

The  consul 
dependent 
{a)  on  the 
senate. 

Polybius  vi. 
15. 


Again,  it  is  the  people  who  bestow  offices  —  the  most  hon- 
orable rewards  of  virtue  —  on  the  deserving.  They  have  too 
the  absolute  power  of  passing  or  repealing  laws  ;  and  most 
important  of  all,  it  is  the  people  who  deliberate  on  the  ques- 
tions of  peace  or  war.  "And  when  provisional  terms  are 
made  for  alliance,  suspension  of  hostilities,  or  treaties,  it  is 
the  people  who  ratify  or  reject  them. 

These  considerations  again  would  lead  one  to  say  that  the 
chief  power  in  the  state  is  the  people's,  and  that  the  con- 
stitution is  a  democracy. 

Such  then  is  the  distribution  of  power  among  the  several 
parts  of  the  government.  I  must  now  show  how  these 
several  parts  can  oppose  or  support  one  another  as  they 
choose. 

When  the  consul  has  started  on  an  expedition  with  the 
powers  I  have  described,  he  is  to  all  appearance  absolute  in 
the  administration  of  the  business  in  hand ;  still  he  has  need 
of  the  support  of  both  the  people  and  the  senate,  and  with- 
out them  is  quite  unable  to  bring  the  matter  to  a  successful 
conclusion.  For  it  is  plain  that  he  must  have  supplies  sent 
to  his  legions  from  time  to  time ;  but  without  a  decree  of 
the  senate  they  can  be  supplied  with  neither  corn  nor 
clothes  nor  pay,  so  that  all  the  plans  of  the  commander 
must  be  futile,  if  the  senate  is  resolved  either  to  shrink  from 
the  danger  or  hamper  him.  And  again  whether  or  not 
a  consul  shall  bring  any  undertaking  to  a  conclusion,  de- 
pends entirely  upon  the  senate,  for  it  has  absolute  authority 
at  the  end  of  the  year  to  send  another  consul  to  supersede 
him  or  to  continue  the  existing  one  in  his  command. 

Again  even  to  the  successes  of  the  generals,  the  senate 
has  power  to  add  distinction  and  glory,  and  on  the  other 
hand  to  obscure  their  merits  and  lower  their  credit.  For 
these  high  achievements  are  brought  in  tangible  form  before 
the  eyes  of  the  citizens  by  what  are  called  triumphs.  But 
these  triumphs  the  commanders  cannot  celebrate  with 
proper  pomp,  or  in  some  cases  at  all,  unless  the  senate 


The  Senate  and  the  People        131 

concurs   and   grants   the    necessary   money.      As    for   the    W  0fl  the 

people,  the   consuls  are  especially  obliged    to  court  their 

favor,  however  distant  from   home   may  be    the   field   of 

their  operations ;  for  it  is  the  people,  as  I  have  said  before, 

who  ratify  or  refuse  to  ratify,  terms  of  peace  and  treaties ; 

and  when  laying  down  their  office,  the   consuls   have   to 

give  an  account  of  their  administration  before  the  people. 

Therefore  in  no  case  is  it  safe  for  the  consuls  to  neglect 

either  the  senate  or  the  good-will  of  the  people. 

As  for  the  senate,  which  possesses  the  immense  power  I   The  senate 
have  described,  in  the  first  place  it  is   obliged  in  public  0nPteheen 
affairs  to  take  the  multitude  into  account,  and  to  respect  people, 
the  wishes  of  the  people.     It  cannot  execute  the  penalty  Poiybiusvi. 
for  offences  against  the  republic  which  are  punishable  with 
death,  unless  the  people  first  ratify  its  decrees.     Similarly 
even  in   matters   which    directly  affect  the   senators  —  for 
instance,  in  the  case  of  a  law  diminishing  the  senate's  tra- 
ditional authority,  or  depriving  the  senators  of  any  dignities 
and  offices,  or  even  cutting  down  their  property  —  in  such 
cases,  too,  the  people   have  the  sole  power  of  passing  or 
rejecting  the   law.     But    most   important   is  the   fact   that 
if  the    tribunes  interpose   their  veto,  the   senate  not  only 
is  unable  to  pass  a  decree,  but  cannot  even  hold  a  meeting, 
whether  formal  or  informal.     Now  the  tribunes  are  always 
bound  to  carry  out  the   decree   of  the  people  and  above 
all  to  have  a  regard  for  their  wishes ;  therefore  for  all  these 
reasons  the  senate  stands  in  awe  of  the  multitude,  and  cannot 
neglect  the  feelings  of  the  people. 

In  like  manner  the  people  on  their  part  are  far  from  being  The  people 
independent  of  the  senate,  and  are  bound  collectively  and  fjFJJ^g 
individually  to  take  its  wishes  into  account.     For  contracts,   senate, 
too  numerous  to  reckon,  are  given  out  by  the  censors  in  all   Polybius  vi. 
parts  of  Italy  for  the  repair  or  construction  of  public  build-   1?' 
ings.     There  is  also  the  collection  of  revenue   from  many 
rivers,  harbors,  gardens,  mines,  and  land — everything,  in  a 
word,  which  comes  under  the  control  of  the  Roman  govern- 


132        Government  and  Character 


ment;  and  in  all  these  works  the  people  at  large  are  en- 
gaged, so  that  there  is  scarcely  a  man,  I  may  say,  who  is 
not  interested  either  as  a  contractor  or  as  an  employee 
in  the  works.  For  some  purchase  the  contracts  from  the 
censors  for  themselves;  others  go  partners  with  them, 
whereas  others  give  security  for  these  contractors  or  actu- 
ally pledge  their  property  to  the  treasury  for  them. 

Over  all  these  transactions  the  senate  has  absolute  con- 
trol. It  can  grant  an  extension  of  time ;  and  in  case  of  an 
unforeseen  accident  it  can  relieve  the  contractors  from  a 
portion  of  their  obligation  or  release  them  from  it  alto- 
gether, if  they  are  absolutely  unable  to  fulfil  it.  And  there 
are  many  details  in  which  the  senate  can  inflict  great  hard- 
ships, or  on  the  other  hand,  grant  great  indulgences  to  the 
contractors,  for  in  every  case  the  appeal  is  to  it.  But  the 
most  important  point  of  all  is  that  the  judges  are  taken 
from  its  members  in  the  majority  of  trials,  whether  public  or 
private,  in  which  the  charges  are  heavy.  Consequently  all 
citizens  are  much  at  its  mercy;  and  being  awed  by  the 
uncertainty  as  to  when  they  may  need  its  aid,  are  cautious 
about  resisting  or  actively  opposing  its  will.  And  for  a  sim- 
ilar reason  men  do  not  rashly  resist  the  wishes  of  the  con- 
suls, because  one  or  all  may  become  subject  to  their  absolute 
authority  on  a  campaign. 

The  result  of  this  power  of  the  several  estates  for  mutual 
andstreneth  ne^P  or  narm  *s  a  umon  sufficiently  firm  for  all  emergencies, 
the  con-  and  the  best  possible  form  of  government.  For  whenever 
any  danger  from  without  compels  these  estates  to  unite  and 
work  together,  the  strength  which  is  developed  by  the  state 
is  so  extraordinary  that  everything  required  is  unfailingly 
carried  out  by  the  eager  rivalry  of  all  classes  to  devote  their 
whole  minds  to  the  need  of  the  hour,  and  to  make  sure  that 
any  resolution  agreed  upon  should  not  fail  for  want  of 
promptness ;  while  each  individual,  alike  in  private  and 
public,  works  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  business  in 
hand.      The   peculiar  constitution   accordingly  makes  the 


(t)  On  the 
consuls. 


The 


stitution. 

Polybius  vi. 
18. 


The  Balance  of  Forces  133 

state    irresistible,  and    certain    of    obtaining    whatever    it 
attempts. 

Nay  even  when  these  external  alarms  are  past,  and  the  The  correc- 
people  are  enjoying  their  good  fortune  and  the  fruits  of  abuses, 
their  victories,  and  as  usually  happens,  are  growing  corrupt 
through  flattery  and  idleness,  so  as  to  show  a  tendency  to 
violence  and  arrogance,  —  it  is  in  these  circumstances  more 
than  ever  that  the  constitution  is  seen  to  possess  within  it- 
self the  power  of  correcting  abuses.  For  when  any  one 
of  the  three  estates  becomes  puffed  up,  and  shows  an  in- 
clination to  be  contentious  and  unduly  encroaching,  the 
dependency  of  all  three  upon  one  another,  and  the  possi- 
bility of  limiting  and  thwarting  one  another  must  certainly 
check  this  tendency.  The  proper  balance  is  maintained 
therefore  by  holding  the  impulsiveness  of  one  part  under 
fear  of  the  others. 

An  excellent  plan  is  adopted  for  inducing  young  soldiers  Encourage- 
to  brave  danger.     When  an  engagement  has  taken  place   jJJJye^ 
and  any  of  the  soldiers  have  shown  remarkable  bravery,  the   p0iybius  vi. 
consul  summons  an  assembly  of  the  legion,  puts  forward  39- 
those  who  he  thinks  have  distinguished  themselves  in  any 
way,  and  first  compliments  each  of  them  individually  on  his 
gallantry,  and  mentions  any  other  distinction  he  may  have 
earned  in  the  course  of  his  life,  and  then  presents  him  with 
gifts  :  to  the  man  who  has  wounded  an  enemy,  a  spear  j  to 
the  man  who  has  killed  one  and  stripped  his  armor,  a  cup 
if  he  be  in  the  infantry,  horse-trappings  if  in  the  cavalry. 
Originally,  however,  the  only  present  was  a  spear.     This  gift 
is  not  offered  in  the   event  of  their  having   wounded   or 
stripped  any  of  the  enemy  in  a  set  engagement  or  in  the 
storming  of  a  town  ;  but  in  skirmishes  and  other  occasions 
in  which  they  have  exposed  themselves  to  danger  voluntarily 
and  deliberately,  without  there  being  any  positive  necessity 
for  so  doing. 

In  the  capture  of  a  town  those  who  are  first  to  mount   The  mural 
the  walls  are  presented  with  a  golden  crown.     So  too  those   crown- 


134        Government  and   Character 


The  civic 
crown. 


Robes  of 
honor  and 
trophies. 


The  funeral 
oration. 

Polybius  vi. 
53- 


who  have  defended  and  saved  any  citizens  or  allies  are  dis- 
tinguished by  the  consul  with  definite  rewards ;  and  those 
who  have  been  saved  present  their  preservers  voluntarily  with 
a  crown ;  or  if  not,  they  are  compelled  to  do  so  by  the 
tribunes  (of  the  plebs).  The  man  thus  saved,  too,  rever- 
ences his  preserver  through  life  as  a  father,  and  is  bound 
to  act  toward  him  in  every  respect  as  to  a  father. 

By  such  incentives  those  who  stay  at  home  are  stirred  to 
a  noble  rivalry  and  emulation  in  confronting  danger,  no  less 
than  those  who  actually  hear  and  see  what  takes  place. 
For  the  recipients  of  such  rewards  not  only  enjoy  great 
glory  among  their  comrades  in  the  army  and  an  immediate 
reputation  at  home,  but  after  their  return  they  are  marked 
men  in  all  solemn  festivals ;  for  they  alone  who  have  been 
thus  distinguished  by  the  consuls  for  bravery  are  allowed  to 
wear  robes  of  honor  on  such  occasions ;  and  moreover  they 
place  the  spoils  they  have  taken  in  the  most  conspicuous 
parts  of  their  houses  as  visible  tokens  and  proofs  of  their 
valor.  No  wonder  that  a  people  whose  rewards  and  punish- 
ments are  allotted  with  such  care  and  received  with  such 
feelings  should  be  brilliantly  successful  in  war. 

Whenever  one  of  their  illustrious  men  dies,  as  a  part  of 
the  funeral  the  body  with  all  its  adornments  is  carried  into 
the  Forum  to  the  rostra,  as  a  raised  platform  there  is  called. 
Sometimes  the  body  is  propped  upright  upon  it  so  as  to  be 
easily  seen,  or  more  rarely  it  is  laid  upon  the  rostra.  The 
speaker  is  the  son,  if  the  deceased  has  left  one  of  full  age 
who  is  present  at  the  time ;  or,  failing  a  son,  one  of  his  kins- 
men mounts  the  rostra,  while  all  the  people  are  standing 
round,  and  delivers  a  speech  concerning  the  virtues  of  the 
deceased  and  the  successful  exploits  performed  by  him  in 
his  lifetime.  By  these  measures  the  people  are  reminded 
of  what  has  been  done  and  made  to  see  it  with  their  own 
eyes  —  not  only  those  persons  who  were  engaged  in  the 
actual  transactions  but  those  also  who  were  not.  Their 
sympathies  are  so  deeply  moved  that  the  loss  appears  not 


\ 


Funerals 


135 


to  be  confined  to  the  actual  mourners,  but  to  be  a  public 
one  affecting  the  whole  community. 

After  the  burial  and  all  the  usual  ceremonies  are  performed, 
they  place  the  likeness  of  the  deceased  in  the  most  conspicu- 
ous spot  in  the  house  and  surmount  it  by  a  wooden  canopy 
or  shrine.  This  likeness  consists  of  a  mask  made  to  repre- 
sent the  deceased  with  remarkable  fidelity  both  in  form  and 
in  color.  These  likenesses  they  adorn  with  great  care,  and 
display  them  at  public  sacrifices.  And  when  any  illustrious 
member  of  the  family  dies,  they  carry  these  masks  to  the  fu- 
neral, putting  them  on  men  whom  they  think  as  near  like  the 
originals  as  possible  in  height  and  other  personal  peculiari- 
ties. And  these  substitutes  assume  clothes  according  to  the 
rank  of  the  person  represented  :  if  he  was  a  consul  or  a  prae- 
tor, a  toga  with  purple  stripes ;  if  a  censor,  whole  purple ; 
if  he  had  also  celebrated'  a  triumph  or  performed  any  exploit 
of  that  kind,  a  toga  embroidered  with  gold.  These  repre- 
sentatives themselves  ride  in  chariots,  while  the  fasces  and 
axes  and  all  the.  other  customary  insignia  of  the  particular 
offices  lead  the  way,  according  to  the  dignity  of  the  rank  en- 
joyed by  the  deceased  in  his  lifetime.  On  arriving  at  the 
rostra  they  all  take  their  seats  on  ivory  chairs  in  their  order. 

There  could  not  easily  be  a  more  inspiring  spectacle  than 
this  for  a  young  man  of  noble  ambitions  and  virtuous  aspira- 
tions. For  can  we  imagine  any  one  unmoved  at  the  sight 
of  all  the  likenesses  collected  together  of  the  men  who  have 
earned  glory,  all  as  it  were  living  and  breathing?  Or  what 
could  be  a  more  glorious  spectacle? 

The  speaker  over  the  body  about  to  be  buried,  after  finish- 
ing the  praise  of  this  particular  person,  starts  upon  the  others 
whose  representatives  are  present  j  he  begins  with  the  most 
ancient,  and  recounts  the  successes  and  achievements  of  each. 
By  this  means  the  glorious  memory  of  brave  men  is  continu- 
ally renewed ;  the  fame  of  those  who  have  performed  any 
noble  deed  is  never  allowed  to  die ;  and  the  renown  of  those 
who  have  done  good  service  to  their  country  becomes  a  mat- 


The  masks 

(imagines) . 


Rome,  p.  27 ; 
Ancie?it  His- 
tory, p.  273. 


The  praise 
of  departed 
heroes. 

Polybius  vi. 
54- 


136        Government  and  Character 


Cf.  p.  46. 


Cf.  P.  73. 


Value  of 
religion. 


( For  the  be- 
ginnings of 
scepticism, 
"which  pre- 
vailed among 
the  Greeks 
of  this  age, 
see  Greece, 
p.  218  ff.) 


ter  of  common  knowledge  to  the  multitude  and  a  part  of  the 
heritage  of  posterity.  But  the  chief  benefit  of  the  ceremony 
is  that  it  inspires  young  men  to  shrink  from  no  exertion  for 
the  general  welfare,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  glory  that 
awaits  the  brave. 

And  what  I  say  is  confirmed  by  this  fact.  Many  Romans 
have  volunteered  to  decide  a  whole  battle  by  a  single  com- 
bat; not  a  few  have  deliberately  accepted  certain  death, 
some  in  time  of  war  to  secure  the  safety  of  the  rest,  some  in 
time  of  peace  to  preserve  the  safety  of  the  commonwealth. 
There  have  also  been  instances  of  men  in  office  putting  their 
own  sons  to  death,  in  defiance  of  every  custom  and  law, 
because  they  rated  the  interests  of  their  country  higher 
than  those  of  natural  ties  even  with  their  nearest  and  dearest. 
There  are  many  stories  of  this  kind,  related  by  many  men  in 
Roman  history. 

Religion  and  Morals 

What  in  other  nations  is  looked  upon  as  a  reproach  —  I 
mean  a  scrupulous  fear  of  the  gods  —  is,  I  believe,  the  very 
thing  which  keeps  the  Roman  commonwealth  together.  To 
such  an  unusual  height  is  this  carried  among  them  in  both 
private  and  public  business  that  nothing  could  exceed  it. 
Many  persons  might  think  this  unaccountable  j  but  in  my 
opinion  their  object  is  to  use  it  as  a  check  upon  the  common 
people.  If  it  were  possible  to  form  a  state  wholly  of  philoso- 
phers, such  a  custom  would  perhaps  be  unnecessary.  But 
seeing  that  every  multitude  is  fickle  and  full  of  lawless 
desires,  unreasoning  anger,  and  violent  passion,  the  only 
resource  is  to  keep  them  in  check  by  mysterious  terrors 
and  scenic  effects  of  this  sort.  Therefore,  to  my  mind,  the 
ancients  were  not  acting  without  purpose  or  at  random  when 
they  brought  in  among  the  vulgar  those  notions  about  the 
gods  and  the  belief  in  the  punishment  in  Hades  j  much  rather 
do  I  think  that  men  in  these  times  are  acting  rashly  and  fool- 
ishly in  rejecting  them. 


*,«&. 


Religion  137 

This  is  the  reason  why,  apart  from  anything  else,  Greek  Honesty. 
statesmen,  if  intrusted  with  a  single  talent,  though  protected 
by  ten  checking  clerks,  as  many  seals,  and  twice  as  many 
witnesses,  yet  cannot  be  induced  to  keep  faith ;  whereas 
among  the  Romans  in  their  magistracies  and  embassies,  men 
have  the  handling  of  a  great  amount  of  money,  and  yet  from 
pure  respect  to  their  oath  keep  their  faith  intact.  And  again, 
in  other  nations  it  is  a  rare  thing  to  find  a  man  who  keeps 
his  hands  out  of  the  public  purse  and  is  entirely  pure  in  such 
matters ;  but  among  the  Romans  it  is  a  rare  thing  to  detect 
a  man  in  the  act  of  committing  a  crime. 

(On  entering  upon  an  important  war  or  in  a  critical  battle,   a  religious 
it  was  customary  for  the  Romans  to  vow  sacrifices  and  festi-   vow- 
vals  to  the  gods,  or  sometimes  a  new  temple  to  one  of  them, 
in  the   event  of  success.      When   beginning  the  war  with 
Antiochus  one  of  the  consuls  accordingly  made  the  following 
vow :) 

"  If  the  war  which  the  people  have  ordered  to  be  under- 
taken against  King  Antiochus  shall  be  concluded  agreeably 
to  the  wishes  of  the  senate  and  the  people  of  Rome,  then, 
O  Jupiter,  through  ten  successive  days  the  Roman  people 
will  exhibit  the  Great  Games  in  honor  of  thee,  and  offerings 
shall  be  presented  at  all  the  shrines  of  such  value  as  the 
senate  shall  direct.  Whatever  magistrates  shall  celebrate 
those  games,  and  at  whatever  time  and  place,  let  the  cele- 
bration be  deemed  proper,  and  the  offerings  rightly  and  duly 
made." 

As  the  war  (with  Hannibal)   lengthened,  and  the  feelings  increasing 
no  less  than  the  circumstances  of  men  changed  with  the  ebb  ticra^1" 
and  flow  of  Roman  fortune,  the  citizens  were  seized  with  so   . . 

I  /ivy  XXV    I 

great  a  passion  for  superstitious  customs,  mostly  from  foreign 
countries,  that  either  the  people  or  the  gods  appeared  to   ^2SS$'jy§_: 
have  undergone  a  sudden  change.     And  now  the  Roman  tory,  p.  347. 
rites  were  falling  into  disuse,  not  only  in  private  but  in  public 
as  well. 

In  the  Forum  and  in  the  Capitol  were  crowds  of  women 


138         Government  and  Character 

sacrificing  and  offering  up  prayers  to  the  gods  in  modes 
unusual  in  this  country.  A  low  class  of  sacrificers  and  seers 
had  enslaved  men's  understanding.  This  class  was  recruited 
from  the  country  people,  whom  want  and  terror  had  driven 
into  the  city;  for  the  fields  were  uncultivated  during  the 
long  war,  and  suffered  from  the  incursions  of  the  enemy. 
Others  joined  the  class  in  order  to  take  advantage  of  ignorant 
people,  and  carried  on  their  profitable  trade  like  a  legal  and 
customary  business. 

At  first  good  men  privately  expressed  the  indignation  they 
felt  at  these  proceedings ;  but  afterward  the  mischief  was 
reported  to  the  fathers,  and  became  a  matter  of  public  com- 
plaint. The  sediles  and  the  three  executioners  of  criminals 
were  severely  reprimanded  by  the  senate  for  not  preventing 
this  nuisance ;  but  when  these  officials  attempted  to  remove 
from  the  Forum  the  crowd  of  persons  thus  employed,  and  to 
overthrow  the  preparations  for  the  sacred  rites,  they  narrowly 
escaped  personal  injury. 

As  it  was  now  evident  that  the  evil  was  too  powerful  to  be 
checked  by  inferior  magistrates,  the  senate  commissioned 
Marcus  Atilius,  the  city  praetor,  to  rid  the  people  of  these 
superstitions.  He  called  an  assembly,  in  which  he  read  the 
decree  of  the  senate  and  gave  notice  that  all  persons  who 
had  any  books  of  divination,  or  forms  of  prayer,  or  any 
written  system  of  sacrificing,  should  deliver  all  the  aforesaid 
(The  calends  books  and  writings  to  him  before  the  calends  of  April ;  and 
that  no  person  should  sacrifice  in  any  public  or  consecrated 
place  according  to  new  or  foreign  rites. 

(These  measures  were  successful ;  but  some  years  after- 
ward the  state  was  troubled  by  the  secret  societies  of  the 
Bacchantes  —  worshippers  of  Bacchus.)  If  any  novices  in 
these  societies  were  less  patient  in  submitting  to  dishonor, 
or  more  averse  to  the  commission  of  crime,  they  were  sacri- 
ficed as  victims.  To  think  nothing  unlawful  was  the  grand 
maxim  of  their  religion.  As  if  bereft  of  reason,  the  men 
uttered  prophecies  with  frantic  contortions  of  their  bodies. 


are  the  first 


Luxul7      ^-^       ^J  3  9 

The  women,  dressed  as  Bacchantes,  with  hair  dishevelled   Rome,  p.  148 ; 

and  carrying  torches,  ran  down  to  the  Tiber ;  there  dipping  toly^.  347"" 

their  torches  in  the  water,  the  women  drew  them  up  again 

with  the  flame  unextinguished,  composed  as  they  were  of 

native  sulphur  and  charcoal.     Those  associates  whom  the 

machines  laid  hold  of,  and  dragged  from  their  view  into    (Mechanical 

devices  for 

secret  caves,  they  said  were  carried  off  by  the  gods.     These   causing  per- 

victims  were  such  as  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  the  society  s ""?  fr  nfn?" 

or  to  associate  in  their  crimes  or  to  submit  to  pollution,   meetings.) 

The  number  of  persons  in  these  societies  was  very  great  now, 

almost  a  second  state  in  themselves,  and  among  them  were 

many  men  and  women  of  noble  families.     During  the  last 

two  years  it  had  been  a  rule  that  no  person  above  the  age 

of  twenty  should  be  initiated ;  for  the  societies  sought  people 

of  such  age  as  made  them  more  liable  to  suffer  deception 

and  personal  abuse. 

(Probably  the  writer  has  exaggerated  the  immoral  side  of   Increasing 
these  societies.     However  that  may  be,  the  government  took    uxury* 
effective  measures  for  destroying  them.     But  during  the  wars    • 
of  Rome  in  the  East,  Greek  and  Oriental  luxuries  came  into 
the  city  in  spite  of  all  that  good  men  could  do.     Soldiers, 
returning  from  Greece),  first  brought  to  Rome  gilded  couches, 
rich  tapestry  with  hangings,  and  other  works  of  the  loom ;   Livyxxxix.  6. 
and  what  were  then  deemed  magnificent  kinds  of  furniture, 
single-footed  tables  and  buffets.     At  entertainments  likewise 
were  introduced  female  players   on  the  harp  and  timbrel, 
with  buffoons  for  the  diversion  of  the  guests.     Their  meats 
began  to  be  prepared  with  greater  care  and  cost ;  the  cook, 
whom  the  ancients  considered  the  meanest  of  their  slaves 
in  both  estimation  and  use,  became  highly  valuable,  and  what 
was  considered  a  servile  office  began  to  be  looked  upon  as 
an  art. 

(Although  the  Romans  adopted  the  luxuries  of  the  East,  Artistic 
their  taste  remained  coarse  ;  they  took  no  pleasure  in  artistic  taste* 
musical  entertainments,  but  preferred  the  noise  and  con- 
fusion of  mock  battles.     For  instance)  Lucius  Anicius,  who 


140        Government  and  Character 

had  been  praetor  and  had  gained  a  victory  over  the  Illyrians, 
returned  to  Rome  with  their  king  Genthius  and  his  children 
as  prisoners.  While  celebrating  his  triumph,  Anicius  did  a 
very  ridiculous  thing.  He  sent  for  the  most  famous  artists 
from  Greece,  and  after  building  an  immense  theatre  in  the 
Circus,  he  brought  all  the  flute-players  on  the  stnge  to- 
gether .  .  .  the  most  celebrated  of  the  day.  He  placed 
them  on  the  stage  with  the  chorus,  and  bade  them  all  play 
at  once. 

But  when  they  struck  up  the  tune  accompanied  by  appro- 
priate movements,  he  sent  to  them  to  say  that  they  were  not 
playing  well,  and  must  put  more  excitement  into  it.  At  first 
they  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  this  order,  until  one  of 
the  lictors  showed  them  that  they  must  form  themselves  into 
two  companies  and  facing  round,  advance  against  each  other 
as  though  in  battle.  The  flute-players  caught  the  idea  at 
once,  and  adopting  a  motion  suitable  to  their  own  wild 
strains,  produced  a  scene  of  utter  confusion. 

They  made  the  middle  group  of  the  chorus  face  round 
upon  the  two  extreme  groups ;  and  blowing  with  inconceiv- 
able violence  and  discordance,  the  flute-players  led  these 
groups  against  each  other.  Meanwhile  with  violent  stamp- 
ing that  shook  the  stage,  the  members  of  the  chorus  rushed 
against  those  who  were  opposite,  and  then  faced  round  and 
retired.  But  when  one  of  the  chorus,  with  dress  girt  up, 
turned  round  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  and  raised  his 
hands,  like  a  boxer,  in  the  face  of  the  flute-player  who  was 
approaching,  then  the  spectators  clapped  their  hands  and 
cheered  loudly. 

While  this  sort  of  sham  fight  was  going  on,  two  dancers 
were  brought  into  the  orchestra  to  the  sound  of  music ;  and 
four  boxers,  accompanied  by  trumpeters  and  clarion  players, 
mounted  the  stage.  The  effect  of  these  various  contests  all 
going  on  together  was  indescribable.  But  if  I  should  speak 
about  their  tragic  actors,  some  would  think  I  was  merely 
jesting. 


An  Eminent  Roman  141 

Scipio  Africanus 

(In  the  whole  period  of  the  Punic  wars  the  most  eminent  Publius  Cor- 
Roman  was  Publius   Cornelius    Scipio  Africanus,  the  con-   AfricanusP1° 
queror   of    Hannibal.)     That    Scipio   was   beneficent   and   poiybiusx.3. 
high-minded    is    acknowledged ;    but    that  he  was   acute, 
sober,  and  earnest  in  the  pursuit  of  his  aims  no  one  will 
admit,  except  those  who  have  lived  with  him  and  have  seen 
his  character,  so  to  speak,  in  broad  daylight.     Such  a  one 
was  Gaius  Lselius,  who  took  part  in  everything  Scipio  did  or 
said  from  boyhood  to  the  day  of  his  death  ;  and  Lselius  it 
was  who  convinced  me  of  this  truth,  because  what  he  said 
appeared  to  me  to  be  likely  in  itself  and  in  harmony  with 
the  achievements  of  Scipio. 

Lselius  told  me  that  Publius  achieved  his  first  brilliant  ex-  His  first  ex- 
ploit when  Scipio  the  father  fought  the  cavalry  engagement  p  01  ' 
with  Hannibal  near  the  Po.  The  young  man  was  then,  as  Ancient  Ms- 
it  seems,  eighteen  years  of  age  and  on  his  first  campaign.  tory>  P-322- 
His  father  had  given  him  a  squadron  of  picked  cavalry  for 
his  protection  ;  but  when  in  the  course  of  the  battle  he  saw 
his  father  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  with  only  two  or  three 
horsemen  near  him,  and  dangerously  wounded,  he  first 
tried  to  cheer  on  his  own  squadron  to  go  to  the  father's 
assistance,  but  when  he  found  his  troops  cowed  by  the 
numbers  of  the  surrounding  enemy,  it  seems  that  he 
plunged  by  himself  with  reckless  courage  into  the  midst 
of  the  enemy,  whereupon  his  comrades,  too,  were  forced 
to  charge,  so  that  the  enemy  were  overawed  and  opened 
their  ranks  to  let  the  Romans  pass ;  and  Publius  the  Elder, 
thus  unexpectedly  saved,  was  the  first,  in  the  hearing  of  the 
whole  army,  to  address  his  son  as  his  preserver.  Gaining  a 
reputation  for  bravery  by  this  exploit,  Scipio  ever  afterward 
freely  exposed  himself  to  every  sort  of  personal  danger, 
whenever  his  country  rested  her  hope  of  safety  on  him. 
And  this  is  not  the  conduct  of  a  general  who  trusts  to  luck, 
but  of  one  who  has  a  clear  head. 


142         Government  and   Character 


He  wishes 
to  be  aedile. 

Polybius  x.  4. 


His  mother's 
consent. 


How  he  was 
elected. 

Polybius  x.  5. 


Afterward  his  elder  brother  Lucius  was  a  candidate  for 
the  sedileship,  which  is  about  the  most  honorable  office 
open  to  a  young  man  at  Rome.  As  it  was  customary  for 
two  patricians  to  be  appointed,  and  as  there  were  many 
candidates,  for  some  time  he  did  not  venture  to  stand  for 
the  same  office  as  his  brother.  But  when  the  day  of  elec- 
tion drew  near,  he  inferred  from  the  demeanor  of  the 
people  that  his  brother  would  easily  obtain  the  office ;  and 
observing  that  his  own  popularity  with  the  multitude  was 
very  great,  he  made  up  his  mind  that  his  brother  would  be 
successful  if  only  they  both  worked  together  as  candi- 
dates. He  resolved  therefore  upon  the  following  plan  of 
action. 

His  mother  was  going  round  to  the  temples  and  sacri- 
ficing to  the  gods  in  behalf  of  his  brother,  and  was 
altogether  in  a  state  of  anxiety  as  to  the  result.  She  was 
the  only  parent  whose  wishes  he  had  to  consult ;  for  his 
father  was  then  on  a  voyage  to  Iberia,  having  been  ap- 
pointed to  command  in  a  war  there.  The  young  man 
therefore  said  to  his  mother  that  he  had  seen  the  same 
dream  twice,  —  "I  thought  I  was  coming  home  from  the 
Forum  after  being  elected  aedile  with  my  brother,  and  you 
met  us  at  the  door  and  threw  your  arms  around  us  and 
kissed  us."  Scipio's  mother  with  true  womanly  feeling 
exclaimed,  "  Oh  that  I  might  see  that  day  !  "  He  replied, 
"  Do  you  wish  us  to  try  ?  "  Upon  her  assenting  under  the 
impression  that  he  would  not  venture,  but  was  only  jesting 
on  the  spur  of  the  moment  —  for  of  course  he  was  quite  a 
young  man  —  he  begged  her  to  prepare  him  at  once  a 
white  toga,  such  as  is  customary  for  candidates  to  wear. 

His  mother  thought  no  more  about  it ;  but  Publius  in  his 
white  toga  went  to  the  Forum  before  she  was  awake.  His 
boldness  as  well  as  his  earlier  popularity  won  him  a  brilliant 
reception  from  the  people ;  and  when  he  advanced  to  the 
spot  assigned  for  candidates,  and  took  his  place  by  the  side 
of  his  brother,  the  people  not  only  invested  him  with  the 


A  Young  Proconsul  143 

office,  but  his  brother  also  for  his  sake  j  and  both  brothers 
returned  home  sediles  elect. 

When  the  news  was  brought  suddenly  to  their  mother,  she 
rushed  in  the  utmost  delight  to  meet  them  at  the  door,  and 
kissed  the  young  men  in  an  ecstasy  of  joy.  All  accordingly 
who  had  heard  of  the  dream  believed  that  Publius  had  con- 
versed with  the  gods,  not  merely  in  his  sleep  but  rather  in  a 
waking  vision  and  by  day.  In  point  of  fact  there  was  no 
dream  at  all ;  Scipio  was  kind,  open-hearted,  and  courteous, 
and  by  these  means  had  won  the  favor  of  the  multitude. 

A  day  was  fixed  accordingly  for  choosing  a  general  for  Elected  pro- 
Spain.     As  nobody  offered  himself,  the  alarm  was  greatly  gjJ2JJlfor 
increased,  and   a   gloomy  silence   took   possession  of  the    .     ian 
assembly.     Finally  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  —  son  of  that    wars  in 
Publius  Cornelius  who  had  lost  his  life  in  Spain,  — still  a  &*****> 
young  man  only  twenty-four  years  of  age,  but  reputed  dis- 
creet and  high-minded,  advanced  and  made  an  impressive 
discourse  concerning  his  father  and  uncle,  and  after  lament- 
ing their  fate,  said  that  he  was  the  only  member  of  the    (This  is  not 
family  left  to  be  the  avenger  of  his  kinsmen  and  of  his   stnctl>r  true-) 
country.      He   spoke   copiously  and  vehemently,  like   one 
inspired,  promising  to  subdue  not  only  Spain  but  Carthage 
and  Africa  in  addition.     To  many  this  seemed  like  youthful 
boasting,  but  he  revived  the  spirits  of  his  hearers ;  for  those 
who  are  cast  down  are  cheered  by  promises.     They  chose 
him  general  in  the  expectation  that  he  would  do  something 
worthy  of  his  high  spirit.     The  older  men  said  that  this  was 
not  high  spirit  but  foolhardiness. 

When  Scipio  heard  this  gossip,  he  called  the  assembly 
together  again,  and  repeated  what  he  had  said  before, 
declaring  that  his  youth  would  be  no  impediment ;  but  he 
added  that  if  any  of  his  elders  wished  to  assume  the  task, 
he  would  willingly  yield  it  to  them.  When  nobody  offered 
to  take  it,  they  praised  and  admired  him  still  more.  He  set 
forth  with  ten  thousand  foot  and  five  hundred  horse;  for 
they  did  not  allow  him  to  take  a  larger  force  while  Hannibal 


144        Government  and  Character 

was  ravaging  Italy.  He  received  money  and  apparatus  of 
various  kinds  and  twenty-eight  war-ships,  with  which  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Spain. 

Scipio  ^Emilianus 


Publius  Cor-  As  the  course  of  my  narrative  and  the  events  of  the  time 
SEmifianus!0  have  drawn  our  attention  to  the  family  of  the  Scipios,  I 
Polybius  w'sn  t0  carry  out  mNy  f°r  tne  sa^e  of  students  what  was  left 
xxxii.  9.  as  a  mere  promise  in  my  previous  book.     I  promised  then 

that  I  would  explain  the  origin,  the  rise,  and  the  unusually 
early  glory  of  the  reputation  of  Scipio  (^Emilianus),  and 
also  how  it  came  about  that  Polybius  became  so  attached  to 
him  and  so  intimate  with  him,  that  the  fame  of  their  friend- 
ship and  constant  companionship  was  not  merely  confined 
to  Italy  and  Greece,  but  became  known  also  to  more  remote 
nations.  The  acquaintance  began  in  a  loan  of  some  books 
and  a  conversation  about  them.  But  as  the  intimacy  went 
on,  and  the  Achaean  hostages  were  being  distributed  among 
Rome,  p.  147.  the  various  cities,  Fabius  and  Scipio,  the  sons  of  Lucius 
^Emilius  Paulus,  exerted  all  their  influence  with  the  praetor 
that  Polybius  might  be  allowed  to  remain  in  Rome.  This 
was  granted ;  and  the  intimacy  was  becoming  more  and 
more  close  when  the  following  incident  occurred. 

One  day  when  all  three  were  coming  out  of  the  house  of 
Fabius,  it  happened  that  Fabius  left  them  to  go  to  the 
Forum,  and  that  Polybius  went  in  another  direction  with 
Scipio.  As  they  were  walking  along,  Scipio  in  a  quiet  and 
subdued  voice  and  with  the  blood  mounting  to  his  cheeks 
asked : 

"  Why  is  it,  Polybius,  that  though  I  and  my  brother  eat 
at  the  same  table,  you  address  all  your  questions  and  ex- 
planations to  him,  and  pass  me  over  altogether?  Of  course 
you  too  have  the  same  opinion  of  me  as  I  hear  the  rest  of 
the  city  has.  For  I  am  considered  by  everybody,  I  hear,  to 
be  a  mild  weak  person,  and  far  removed  from  the  true 
Roman  character  and  habits,  because   I  do  not  care  for 


His  confes 
sion  to 
Polybius. 


A  Youth  and  his  Teacher  145 

pleading  in  the  law  courts.  And  they  say  the  family  I  came 
of  requires  a  different  kind  of  representative,  and  not  the 
sort  that  I  am.     That  is  what  annoys  me  most." 

Polybius  was  taken  aback  by  the  young  man's  speech,  — 
for  he  was  only  eighteen,  —  and  said  : 

"  In  heaven's  name,  Scipio,  don't  say  such  things,  or  take  Polybius 
into  your  head  such  an  idea.     It  is  not  from  any  want  of   friend  and*8 
appreciation  of  you,  or  from  any  intention  of  slighting  you,   adviser, 
that  I  have  acted  in  this  way,  far  from  it !     It  is  merely   Polybius 
because  your  brother  is  the  elder  that  I  begin  and  end  my  xxx  h  IO* 
remarks  with  him,  and  address  my  explanations  and  coun- 
sels to  him,  in  the  belief  that  you  share  the  same  opinions. 

"  I  am  delighted,  however,  to  hear  you  say  now  that  you 
appear  to  yourself  to  be  somewhat  less  spirited  than  is  be- 
coming to  members  of  your  family ;  for  you  show  by  this 
remark  that  you  have  a  really  high  spirit,  and  I  should  gladly 
devote  myself  to  helping  you  to  speak  and  act  in  a  way 
worthy  of  your  ancestors. 

"As  for  learning,  to  which  I  see  you  and  your  brother 
devoting  yourselves  at  present  with  so  much  earnestness  and 
zeal,  you  will  find  plenty  of  people  to  help  you  both ;  for  I 
see  that  a  large  number  of  such  men  from  Greece  are  now 
finding  their  way  into  Rome.  But  as  to  points  which  you 
say  are  just  now  vexing  you,  I  think  you  will  not  find  any  one 
more  fitted  to  support  and  assist  you  than  myself." 

While  Polybius  was  still  speaking,  the  young  man  seized  The  inspira- 
his  right  hand  with  both  of  his,  and  pressing  it  warmly,  scipio's  life 
said  : 

"  Oh  that  I  might  see  the  day  on  which  you  would  devote 
your  first  attention  to  me,  and  join  your  life  with  mine. 
From  that  moment  I  shall  think  myself  worthy  both  of  my 
family  and  of  my  ancestors." 

Polybius  was  partly  delighted  at  the  sight  of  the  young 
man's  enthusiasm  and  affection,  and  partly  embarrassed  by 
the  thought  of  the  high  position  of  the  family  and  the  wealth 
of  its  members.     From  the  hour  of  this  mutual  confidence, 


146        Government  and  Character 

however,  the  young  man  never  left  the  side  of  Polybius,  but 
regarded  his  society  as  his  first  and  dearest  object. 

From  that  time  forward  they  continually  gave  each  other 
practical  proof  of  an  affection  which  recalled  the  relationship 
of  father  and  son,  or  of  kinsmen  of  the  same  blood.  The 
first  impulse  and  ambition  of  a  noble  kind  with  which  he 
was  inspired  was  the  desire  to  maintain  a  character  for 
chastity,  and  to  be  superior  to  the  standard  observed  in  that 
respect  among  his  contemporaries.  This  was  a  glory  which, 
great  and  difficult  as  it  generally  is,  was  not  hard  to  gain  at 
that  period  in  Rome,  owing  to  the  general  deterioration  of 
morals.  .  .  . 

p.  mi  ;  This  dissoluteness,  as  it  were,  burst  into  a  flame  at  this 
period  :  in  the  first  place,  from  the  prevalent  idea  that,  owing 
to  the  destruction  of  the  Macedonian  monarchy,  they  had 
now  secured  universal  dominion  beyond  dispute  ;  and  in  the 
second  place,  from  the  immense  difference  made  both  in 
private  wealth  and  in  splendor  by  the  importation  of  the  riches 
of  Macedonia  into  Rome. 

Scipio,  however,  set  his  heart  on  a  different  path  in  life ; 
and  by  a  steady  resistance  to  his  appetites,  and  by  conform- 
ing his  whole  conduct  to  a  consistent  and  unchanging  stand- 
ard, in  about  five  years  after  this  conversation  secured 
a  general  recognition  of  his  character  for  goodness  and 
purity. 

His  next  object  was  to  cultivate  lofty  sentiments  in  regard 
to  money,  and  to  maintain  a  higher  standard  of  generosity 
than  other  people.  In  this  respect  he  had  an  excellent 
start  in  his  association  with  his  own  father  —  Lucius  ^Emilius  ; 
but  he  had  also  good  natural  impulses  toward  the  right ;  and 
chance  contributed  much  to  his  success  in  this  particular 
aim.  For  he  first  lost  his  adoptive  father's  mother,  who  was 
the  sister  of  his  own  father  Lucius,  and  wife  of  his  adoptive 
grandfather,  Scipio  the  Great.  She  left  a  large  fortune,  to 
which  he  was  heir,  and  which  afforded  him  the  first  oppor- 
tunity of  giving  proof  of  his  principles.    ^Emilia,  for  that  was 


Unlike  the  Romans  147 

this  lady's  name,  was  accustomed  to  attend  the  women's 
processions  in  great  state,  as  one  who  shared  in  the  life 
and  high  fortune  of  Scipio.  For  besides  the  magnificence 
of  her  dress  and  carriage,  the  baskets,  cups,  and  such  uten- 
sils for  the  sacrifice,  which  were  carried  in  her  train  on  great 
occasions,  were  all  of  silver  and  gold ;  and  the  number  of 
maid-servants  and  other  domestics  that  made  up  her  train 
was  in  proportion  to  this  splendor. 

All  this  establishment,  immediately  after  ^Emilia's  funeral,  The 
Scipio  presented  to  his  own  mother,  who  had  long  before  biess  njm 
been  divorced  by  his  father  Lucius,  and  was  badly  off,  con- 
sidering the  splendor  of  her  birth.  She  had  therefore  in 
previous  years  refrained  from  taking  part  in  grand  public 
processions ;  but  now  as  there  chanced  to  be  an  im- 
portant state  sacrifice,  she  appeared  surrounded  with  all  the 
splendor  and  wealth  which  had  once  been  ^Emilia's,  using 
among  other  things  the  same  pair  of  mules,  drivers,  and 
carriage. 

The  ladies  therefore  who  saw  it  were  much  impressed  by 
the  kindness  and  liberality  of  Scipio,  and  all  raised  their 
hands  to  heaven  and  prayed  for  blessings  upon  him.  This 
act  would  indeed  have  been  thought  honorable  elsewhere, 
but  at  Rome  it  was  quite  astonishing  j  for  there  no  one  ever 
thinks  of  giving  any  of  his  private  property  to  any  one  if  he 
can  help  it.  This  was  the  beginning  of  Scipio's  reputation 
for  nobility  of  character,  and  it  spread  very  widely;  for 
women  are  talkative  and  prone  to  exaggeration  when  they 
feel  warmly. 

The  next  instance  was  his  conduct  to  the  daughters  of   His  kindness 
the  great  Scipio,  sisters  to  his  adoptive  father.     When  he  tohlsaunts- 
took  the  inheritance,  he  was  bound  to  pay  them  their  por-   x  xx[i#  ^ 
tion.     For  their  father  had  agreed  to  give  each  of  his  two 
daughters   a   marriage  portion  of  fifty  talents.      Half  this 
sum  their  mother  paid  down  at  once  to  their  husbands,  but 
left  the  other  half  undischarged  when  she  died.     Now  the 
Roman  law  enjoins  the  payment  of  money  due  women  as 


148         Government  and  Character 


A  scene  at 
the  bank. 


Different 
from  other 
Romans. 


dowry  in  three  annual  instalments,  the  personal  outfit  hav- 
ing been  first  paid  within  ten  months  according  to  custom. 

But  Scipio  instructed  his  banker  to  pay  each  the  twenty- 
five  talents  at  once,  within  the  ten  months.  When  therefore 
Tiberius  Gracchus  and  Scipio  Nasica,  the  husbands  of  these 
ladies,  called  on  the  banker  at  the  expiration  of  the  ten 
months,  and  asked  whether  Scipio. had  given  him  any  in- 
structions as  to  the  money,  he  told  them  they  might  have 
it  at  once,  and  proceeded  to  enter  the  transfer  of  twenty- 
five  talents  to  each.  They  then  said  he  had  made  a  mis- 
take, for  they  had  no  claim  on  the  whole  as  yet,  but  only 
on  a  third  according  to  law ;  and  when  the  banker  answered 
that  such  were  his  instructions  from  Scipio,  they  could  not 
believe  him,  and  went  to  call  on  the  young  man,  supposing 
him  to  have  made  a  mistake.  And  indeed  their  feelings 
were  natural ;  for  at  Rome,  so  far  from  paying  fifty  talents 
three  years  in  advance,  no  one  will  pay  a  single  talent  before 
the  appointed  day ;  so  excessively  particular  are  they  about 
money,  and  so  profitable  do  they  consider  time. 

When  they  reached  Scipio,  however,  and  asked  him  what 
instructions  he  had  given  his  banker,  he  replied,  "  To  pay 
both  sisters  the  whole  sum  due  them."  They  told  him  he 
had  made  a  mistake,  and  with  a  show  of  friendly  regard, 
pointed  out  to  him  that  according  to  law  he  had  the  use 
of  the  money  for  a  considerable  time  longer.  But  Scipio 
replied  that  he  was  quite  aware  of  that,  but  that  close 
reckoning  and  legal  exactness  were  for  strangers;  with  re- 
lations and  friends  he  would  do  his  best  to  behave  straight- 
forwardly and  liberally.  He  therefore  bade  them  draw  on 
the  banker  for  the  whole  sum.  When  Tiberius  and  Nasica 
heard  this,  they  returned  home  in  silence,  quite  confounded 
at  the  generosity  of  Scipio,  and  accusing  themselves  of 
meanness,  though  they  were  men  of  as  high  character  as 
any  at  Rome.  .  .  . 

With  such  recommendations  dating  from  his  earliest 
years,   Publius   Scipio  maintained    the  reputation  for  high 


Gracious  and  Manly 


149 


morality  and  good  principles  which  he  had  won  by  the 
expenditure  of  perhaps  sixty  talents  (on  various  relatives), 
for  that  was  the  sum  which  he  bestowed  from  his  own  prop- 
erty. And  this  reputation  for  goodness  did  not  depend  so 
much  on  the  amount  of  the  money,  as  on  the  seasonable- 
ness  of  the  gift  and  the  graciousness  with  which  it  was 
bestowed. 

By  his  strict  purity,  too,  he  not  only  saved  his  purse,  but 
by  refraining  from  many  irregular  pleasures  he  gained  sound 
bodily  health  and  a  vigorous  constitution,  which  accompanied 
him  through  the  whole  of  his  life,  and  repaid  him  with  many 
pleasures  and  noble  compensations  for  the  immediate  grati- 
fication from  which  he  had  abstained. 

Courage  is  the  most  important  element  of  character  for 
public  life  in  every  country,  but  especially  in  Rome.  He 
was  bound  therefore  to  give  all  his  most  serious  attention  to 
it.  In  this  respect  also  he  was  well  seconded  by  fortune. 
For  the  Macedonian  kings  were  very  fond  of  hunting,  and 
their  people  devoted  the  most  suitable  districts  to  the  pres- 
ervation of  game.  These  places  were  carefully  guarded 
during  all  the  war  time,  as  they  had  been  before,  and  yet 
were  not  hunted  the  whole  of  the  four  years  owing  to  the 
public  disturbance,  so  that  they  became  full  of  all  kinds  of 
animals.  But  after  the  war  Lucius  ^Emilius,  thinking  that 
hunting  was  the  best  training  for  body  and  courage  his 
young  soldiers  could  have,  put  the  royal  huntsmen  under 
the  charge  of  Scipio,  and  gave  him  entire  authority  over  all 
matters  connected  with  the  hunting. 

Scipio  accepted  the  duty,  and  looking  upon  himself  as  in 
a  sort  of  royal  position,  devoted  his  whole  time  to  this  busi- 
ness as  long  as  the  army  remained  in  Macedonia  after  the 
battle  of  Pydna.  As  he  then  had  ample  opportunity  for 
this  kind  of  pursuit,  and  was  in  the  very  prime  of  his  youth 
and  naturally  disposed  to  such  recreation,  the  taste  for  hunt- 
ing which  he  acquired  became  permanent. 

When  he  returned  to  Rome,  accordingly,  and  found  his 


His 

gracious- 
ness. 

Polybius 
xxxii.  14. 


His  love  of 
hunting. 

Polybius 
xxxii.  15. 


Hunting  is 
more  manly 
than  litiga- 
tion. 

Rome,  p.  121 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p-  331- 


150        Government  and  Character 

taste  supported  by  a  corresponding  enthusiasm  on  the  part 
of  Polybius,  the  time  that  other  young  men  spent  in  law 
courts  and  in  formal  visits,  haunting  the  Forum  and  en- 
deavoring thereby  to  ingratiate  themselves  with  the  people, 
Scipio  devoted  to  hunting;  and  by  continually  displaying 
brilliant  and  memorable  acts  of  prowess,  won  a  greater 
reputation  than  others,  whose  only  chance  of  gaining  credit 
was  inflicting  some  damage  on  one  of  their  fellow-citizens, 
—  for  that  was  the  usual  result  of  these  law  proceedings. 

Scipio,  on  the  other  hand,  without  inflicting  annoyance  on 
any  one,  gained  a  popular  reputation  for  manly  courage, 
rivalling  eloquence  by  action.  The  result  was  that  in  a 
short  time  he  obtained  a  more  decided  superiority  over  his 
contemporaries  than  any  other  Roman  within  our  memory. 
This  he  accomplished  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  struck  out 
a  path  for  his  ambition  which,  according  to  Roman  customs 
and  ideas,  was  quite  different  from  that  of  others. 

Cato  the  Censor 


Marcus  Por- 
cius  Cato. 

Plutarch, 
Cato,  1. 


Marcus  Porcius  Cato  (another  eminent  man  of  the  age) 
was  born  at  Tusculum  and  brought  up  on  a  farm  belonging 
to  his  father  in  the  Sabine  country.  There  he  lived  till  he 
began  to  take  part  in  war  and  politics.  In  appearance  he 
was — 

Red-haired,  gray-eyed,  and  savage-tusked  as  well. 


His  life  in 
the  country. 

Plutarch, 
Cato,  3. 


The  estate  adjoining  that  of  Cato  belonged  to  one  of  the 
most  powerful  and  highly  born  patricians  of  Rome,  —  Va- 
lerius Flaccus,  a  man  who  had  a  keen  eye  for  rising  merit, 
and  generously  fostered  it  till  it  received  public  recognition. 
This  man  heard  of  Cato's  life  from  his  servants,  who  told 
how  their  master  would  go  to  the  court  early  in  the  morn- 
ing and  plead  the  causes  of  all  who  required  his  services,  and 
then  on  returning  to  his  farm  would  work  with  his  servants, 
in  winter  wearing  a  coarse  coat  without  sleeves,  in  summer 


Roman   Frugality  151 

nothing  but  his  tunic.  They  added  that  he. used  to  sit  at 
meals  with  them  and  eat  the  same  loaf  and  drink  the  same 
wine. 

Many  other  stories  of  his  goodness,  simplicity,  and  sen- 
tentious remarks  were  told  Valerius,  who  became  interested 
in  his  neighbor,  and  invited  him  to  dinner.  They  grew 
intimate ;  and  Valerius,  noticing  his  quiet  and  frank  dispo- 
sition, and  thinking  him  like  a  plant  that  requires  careful 
treatment  and  an  extensive  space  in  which  to  develop,  en- 
couraged and  urged  him  to  take  part  in  political  life  at  Rome. 

On  going  to  Rome,  he  at  once  gained  admirers  by  his   Cato  at 
able  pleadings  in  the  law  courts,  while  he  was  advanced  to  Rome- 
important   positions    through    Valerius.     He  was   first   ap- 
pointed military  tribune   and  then  quaestor.     Afterward  he 
became  so  distinguished  as  to  be  able  to  compete  with  Va- 
lerius himself  for  the  highest  offices  in  the  state.    They  were 
together  elected  consuls,  and    still  later  censors.      Of  the 
older  Romans,  Cato  attached    himself  especially  to  Fabius  Rome, v.no\ 
Maximus,  a  man   of  the    greatest   renown   and   influence,   ^vaent  Hts~ 

'  P  '    tory,  p.  324. 

although  it  was  his  disposition  and  mode  of  life  which  Cato 
desired  most  to  imitate.  He  did  not  hesitate,  therefore,  to 
oppose  Scipio  the  Great,  who  was  then  a  young  man  but  a 
rival  and  opponent  of  Fabius. 

He  himself  tells  us  that  he  never  wore  a  garment  worth   Clothing  and 
more  than  a  hundred  drachmas;  that  when    he   was   gen-  foo<L 
eral  and  consul  he  still  drank  the  same  wine  as  his  servants ;    ^Ji^f*1' 
that  his  dinner  never  cost   him  more  than  thirty  asses  in 
the  market  j  and  that  he  indulged  himself  to  this  extent  solely 
for  the  good  of  the  state,  that  he  might  be  strong  and  able 
to  serve  his  country  in  the  field. 

These  habits  some  ascribed  to  narrowness  of  mind,  while   Plutarch, 
some  thought  he  carried  parsimony  to  excess  in  order  by        °'  5* 
his  example  to  reform  and  restrain  others.     Be  this  as  it 
may,  I  for  my  part  consider  that  his  conduct  in  treating  his 
slaves  like  beasts  of  burden,  and  selling  them  when  old  and 
worn  out,  was  the  mark  of  an  excessively  harsh  disposition, 


152 


Government  and  Character 


His  maxims. 

Plutarch, 
Ca/o,  8. 


(Eumenes, 
King  of  Per- 
gamum,  Asia 
Minor.) 


which  disregards  the  claims  of  our  common  human  nature, 
and  merely  considers  the  question  of  profit  and  loss. 

(Cato  was  famous  for  his  pithy  sayings.)  Once  when  he 
wished  to  restrain  the  Romans  from  distributing  a  large 
quantity  of  corn  as  a  largess  to  the  people,  he  thus  began 
his  speech  : 

"  It  is  difficult,  fellow-citizens,  to  make  the  stomach  hear 
reason,  because  it  has  no  ears." 

He  said,  too, 

"  The  Romans  are  like  sheep,  who  never  form  opinions 
of  their  own,  but  follow  where  others  lead  them." 

With  regard  to  female  influence,  he  once  said, 

"  All  mankind  rule  their  wives,  we  rule  all  mankind,  and 
our  wives  rule  us." 

He  used  to  beg  of  the  young  men, 

"If  we  have  become  great  by  virtue  and  self-restraint, 
do  not  degenerate.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  our  empire  has 
been  won  by  immorality  and  vice,  reform  yourselves ;  for 
we  have  now  become  so  great  as  not  to  need  any  further 
assistance  from  vices." 

When  a  certain  man  sold  his  ancestral  estate,  which  was 
situated  by  the  seashore,  Cato  pretended  to  admire  him  as 
more  powerful  than  the  sea  itself,  "  for  this  man,"  he  said, 
"has  drunk  up  the  fields  which  the  sea  itself  could  not 
swallow." 

When  King  Eumenes  came  to  Rome,  the  senate  received 
him  with  especial  honors,  and  he  was  courted  and  run  after. 
Cato,  however,  held  himself  aloof  and  would  not  go  near 
him  and  when  some  one  said,  "  But  he  is  an  excellent  man 
and  a  good  friend  to  Rome,"  he  answered  : 

"  It  may  be  so,  but  a  king  is  by  nature  an  animal  that 
lives  on  human  flesh." 

"  None  of  those  who  have  borne  the  title  of  king  are  to  be 
compared  with  Epaminondas,  or  Pericles,  or  Themistocles, 
or  with  Manius  Curius,  or  Hamilcar  Barca." 

"Wise  men,"  he  said,  "gain  more  advantage  from  fools 


Wise  Saws  153 


than  fools  from  wise  men ;  for  wise  men  avoid  the  errors  of  Plutarch, 
fools,  but  fools  cannot  imitate  the  example  of  wise  men."         Cato,  9. 

"  I  like  young  men  to  have  red  cheeks  rather  than  pale 
ones.  I  care  not  for  a  soldier  who  uses  his  hands  while 
marching  and  his  feet  while  fighting,  or  for  one  who  snores 
louder  in  bed  than  he  shouts  in  battle." 

"  I  cannot  live  with  a  man  whose  palate  is  more  sensitive 
than  his  heart."  This  he  said  when  an  epicure  wished  to 
become  his  friend. 

"  The  soul  of  a  lover  inhabits  the  body  of  his  beloved." 

"  In  my  whole  life  I  repent  of  three  things  only :  first, 
that  I  have  trusted  a  woman  with  a  secret ;  secondly,  that  I 
have  gone  by  water  when  I  might  have  gone  by  land  ;  thirdly, 
that  I  have  passed  one  day  without  having  made  my  will." 

To  an  old  man  who  was  acting  wrongly  he  said  : 

"My  good  sir,  old  age  is  ugly  enough  without  your 
adding  to  it  the  deformity  of  wickedness." 

When  a  certain  tribune,  who  was  suspected  of  being  a 
poisoner,  was  trying  to  carry  a  bad  law,  Cato  remarked  : 

"  Young  man,  I  do  not  know  which  is  the  worse  for  us,  to 
drink  what  you  mix  or  to  enact  what  you  propose." 

Once  when  he  was  abused  by  a  man  of  vicious  life,  he 
answered : 

"  We  are  not  contending  on  equal  terms ;  you  are  accus- 
tomed to  hearing  and  using  bad  language,  whereas  I  am 
unused  to  hearing  it  and  unwilling  to  use  it." 

In  his  political  life  he  seems  to  have  thought  one  of  his  His  political 
most  important  duties  to  be  the  impeachment  of  bad  citi-  life* 
zens.  ...     He  himself  is  said  to  have  been  defendant  in   EH^?* 
nearly  fifty  cases,  the  last  of  which  was  tried  when  he  was 
eighty-six  years  old.     On  this  occasion  he  uttered  that  well 
known  saying,  "  It  is  hard  for  a  man  who  has  lived  in  one 
generation  to  be  obliged  to  defend  himself  before  another." 
And  this  was  not  the  end  of  his  litigations  ;  for  four  years  later, 
at  the  age  of  ninety,  he  impeached  Servius  Galba.      In  fact 
his  life,  like  that  of  Nestor,  reached  through  three  generations. 


Cato,  15. 


154        Government  and  Character 

But  what  caused  the  greatest  dissatisfaction  were  the 
restrictions  which  he  as  censor  imposed  on  luxury.  This 
vice  he  could  not  attack  openly,  because  it  had  taken  such 
deep  root  among  the  people ;  but  he  caused  all  clothes,  car- 
riages, women's  ornaments,  and  furniture  which  exceeded 
fifteen  hundred  drachmas  in  value  to  be  rated  at  ten  times 
their  value  and  taxed  accordingly ;  for  he  thought  that  those 
who  possessed  the  most  valuable  property  ought  to  contribute 
most  largely  to  the  revenues  of  the  state.  A  tax  of  but  three 
copper  asses  for  every  thousand,  on  the  other  hand,  he  im- 
posed upon  all  the  citizens,  that  those  who  were  burdened 
with  an  excessive  taxation  on  luxuries,  when  they  saw  persons 
of  frugal  and  simple  habits  paying  so  small  a  tax  on  the  same 
income,  might  cease  from  their  extravagance.  This  measure 
gained  him  the  hatred  of  those  who  were  taxed  so  heavily 
for  their  luxuries. 

Far  from  paying  attention  to  those  who  blamed  his  policy, 
he  proceeded  to  still  severer  measures.  He  cut  off  the 
water-pipes,  by  which  water  was  conveyed  from  the  public 
fountains  into  private  houses  and  gardens,  and  destroyed  all 
houses  which  encroached  upon  public  streets,  lowered  the 
price  of  contracts  for  public  works,  and  farmed  out  the  public 
revenues  for  the  highest  possible  sums.  All  this  made  him 
still  more  unpopular.  Titus  Flamininus  attacked  him,  and 
prevailed  upon  the  senate  to  annul  the  contracts  which  he 
had  made  for  the  building  of  temples  and  for  the  construc- 
tion of  public  works,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  dis- 
advantageous to  the  state.  Furthermore  they  encouraged 
the  boldest  of  the  tribunes  to  prosecute  him  before  the 
people  and  to  fine  him  two  talents.  Great  opposition,  too, 
was  made  to  the  basilica,  or  public  hall,  which  he  built  at 
the  public  expense  in  the  Forum  below  the  senate-house, 
and  which  was  called  the  Basilica  Porcia. 

A  good  father  and  a  good  husband,  he  was  in  private  life 
an  economist  of  no  ordinary  kind,  for  he  did  not  despise 
money-making  or  regard  it  as  unworthy  of  his  ability. 


A   Prophecy  155 

He  married  a  wife  who  was  not  rich,  but  well-born ;  for 
though  all  classes  might  possess  equal  good  sense,  yet  a 
woman  of  noble  birth  he  thought  would  be  more  ashamed 
of  doing  wrong,  and  therefore  more  likely  to  encourage  her 
husband  to  do  right.  He  used  to  say  that  a  man  who  beats 
his  wife  or  his  children  lays  sacrilegious  hands  on  the  holiest 
of  things. 

The  last  of  his  political  acts  was  the  destruction  of  Car- 
thage. This  was  actually  brought  to  pass  by  Scipio  the 
Younger,  but  it  was  chiefly  owing  to  the  counsels  of  Cato 
that  the  war  was  undertaken. 

Immediately  after  the  opening  of  the  war  he  died.     A  His  death, 
prophecy  had  come  to  his  notice  that  it  would  be  finished   Plutarch, 
by  a  young  man  then  military  tribune,  who  had  given  re-        °' 2  " 
markable  proofs  of  courage  and  generalship.     On  hearing 
of  his  exploits,  Cato  is  said  to  have  quoted  from  Homer  — 

He  alone  has  solid  wisdom, 
All  the  rest  are  shadows  vain. 

This  opinion  Scipio  soon  confirmed  by  his  deeds. 

Cato  left  one  son,  named  Salonius,  and  one  grandson,  the 
child  of  his  eldest  son,  who  was  dead.     Salonius  died  during 
his  praetorship,  but  his  son  Marcus  became  consul.     This 
man  was  the  grandfather  of  Cato  the  philosopher,  who  was   p.  198. 
one  of  the  foremost  men  of  his  day  in  courage  and  ability. 

(Cato  the  Elder  was  the  author  of  several  works,  among 
them  a  Treatise  on  Agriculture.  Below  are  two  extracts 
from  this  treatise ;  they  explain  the  duties  of  an  overseer  of 
a  country  estate  and  the  duties  of  the  housekeeper.) 

The  following  are  the  duties  of  the  overseer.     He  should  The  duties 
keep  good  discipline,  and  should  observe  the  festivals.     He  j*^*1 over" 
should  settle  the  disputes  of  the  slaves,  and  if  any  one  does  Cat    A    ■ 
wrong,  he  should  inflict  punishment  according  to  the  amount  culture,  5. 
of  the  wrong.     He  should  see  that  no  harm  befalls  the  slave 
family,  that  no  one  of  them  suffers   cold   or   hunger.     By 
giving  the  slaves  plenty  of  work  he  will   the   more    easily 


156         Government  and  Character 

keep  them  from  mischief.  .  .  .  The  overseer  should  not 
be  a  gadabout ;  he  should  always  be  sober  and  should  go 
out  nowhere  to  dinner.  He  should  keep  the  slaves  at 
work  and  see  that  all  the  orders  of  the  master  are  carried 
out. 

He  should  not  presume  to  know  more  than  his  master. 
The  friends  of  the  master  he  should,  hold  as  his  friends,  and 
should  hearken  to  his  orders.  He  should  offer  no  sacrifice 
except  to  the  cross-road  gods  at  the  cross-roads  and  to  the 
household  god  at  the  hearth.  Without  his  master's  order 
he  should  trust  no  one,  but  should  collect  his  master's 
loans.  Seed  for  sowing,  food,  grain,  wine,  and  oil  he  should 
lend  to  no  one.  He  should  have  two  or  three  neighbor 
families  with  whom  he  may  borrow  and  lend,  but  none 
besides. 

He  should  frequently  settle  accounts  with  his  master.  A 
hired  mechanic  or  cultivator  he  should  not  keep  more  than 
a  day.  He  should  be  unwilling  to  buy  anything  without  the 
knowledge  of  his  master  or  to  conceal  anything  from  his 
master.  He  should  keep  no  parasite.  He  should  consult 
no  seer,  augur,  prophet,  or  Chaldean  soothsayer.  .  .  .  He 
should  be  the  first  to  rise  from  bed  and  the  last  to  retire. 
Before  retiring  he  should  see  that  the  house  is  locked,  and 
that  every  one  is  abed  in  his  place,  and  that  the  cattle  have 
their  fodder. 
Cato,  Agri-  He  should  supervise  everything  that  ought  to  be  done  on 
culture,  143.  the  farrrlj  ancl  in  the  way  the  master  has  directed  him.  He 
should  buy  or  provide  whatever  is  necessary,  and  should 
supervise  the  distribution  of  food  and  clothing  among  the 
members  of  the  slave  family ;  and  he  should  be  obedient 
to  his  master's  commands.  Furthermore  he  should  instruct 
the  housekeeper  to  prepare  and  make  ready  everything 
needful  for  the  master's  coming  (into  the  country),  and 
should  see  that  the  housekeeper  attends  to  her  duties. 

If  the  master  has  given  you,  the  overseer,  a  wife,  be 
satisfied  with  her.     Make  her  respect  you.     Do  not  allow 


The  Housekeeper 


157 


The  duties 
of  the  house- 
keeper. 

(The  house- 
keeper was 
usually  the 
overseer's 
wife.) 


her  to  be  extravagant.  She  should  have  as  little  as  possible 
to  do  with  the  neighbor  women  and  should  not  receive  them 
at  the  house.  She  should  not  go  out  anywhere  to  dinner  or 
be  a  gadabout.  She  should  not  herself  perform  sacrifices 
or  bid  any  one  do  it  for  her  without  an  order  from  her 
master  or  mistress.1  Let  her  understand  that  the  master 
sacrifices  for  the  entire  family. 

She  should  be  neat  and  should  keep  the  farmhouse  cleanly 
swept.  Every  night  before  going  to  bed  she  should  clean 
the  hearth  and  brush  it  off  all  around.  On  the  calends,  ides, 
nones,2  and  all  festal  days,  she  shall  place  a  wreath  on  the 
hearth  and  shall  worship  the  household  god  according  to  her 
means  and  ability. 

She  must  prepare  food  for  yourself  and  the  household,  and  Her  recipes, 
have  it  cooked.  She  must  keep  a  great  many  hens  and  eggs. 
She  must  have  dried  pears,  sorb-apples,  figs,  and  dried  grapes. 
The  sorb-apples  she  should  preserve  in  boiled  wine,  and  the 
figs  and  grapes  in  large  jars  ;  the  sparrow- apples  and  grapes 
in  wine  jars  and  pots  covered  with  earth  ;  her  fresh  nuts  from 
Praeneste  she  should  also  keep  in  a  jar  covered  with  earth. 
Her  Campanian  apples  she  should  store  in  large  jars,  and  all 
the  other  fruits  which  should  be  stored  up  she  should  gather 
carefully  every  year.  She  must  know  how  to  grind  good  meal 
and  fine  flour. 


1  In  other  words,  she  should  understand  that  a  person  of  her  inferior 
rank  ought  not  to  come  into  this  direct  relation  with  the  gods;  and  she 
should  not  waste  her  master's  provisions. 

2  "  In  March,  July,  October,  May, 
The  Ides  are  on  the  fifteenth  day, 
The  Nones  the  seventh ;  but  all  besides 
Have  two  less  days  for  Nones  and  Ides." 

—  Gildersleeve  and  Lodge,  Latin  Grammar,  p.  491. 
For  the  calends,  see  p.  138. 


158        Government  and  Character 


STUDIES 

1.  In  the  time  of  the  Punic  Wars  what  kind  of  government  had 
Rome  ?  What  feature  of  the  government  was  monarchical  (or  des- 
potic) ?    What  feature  was  aristocratic?    What  feature  was  democratic ? 

2.  What  were  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  consuls  ?  of  the  senate  ? 
of  the  people  ?  How  did  these  three  "  estates "  depend  upon  and 
limit  one  another  ?     Describe  the  harmony  of  the  constitution. 

3.  What  encouragements  did  the  government  offer  to  bravery? 
Describe  the  masks  and  the  funeral  oration.  What  was  the  effect  of 
these  customs  on  character  ? 

4.  What  was  the  practical  value  of  religion  to  the  Romans  ?  Com- 
pare the  Romans  (1)  with  the  Carthaginians  (see  ch.  v),  and  (2)  with 
the  Greeks  in  honesty.     Describe  a  religious  vow. 

5.  What  caused  an  increase  of  superstition  ?  What  attempts  did 
the  government  make  to  restrain  it  ?     Describe  the  Bacchantes. 

6.  What  new  luxuries  came  to  Rome  from  the  East  ?  From  the 
story  of  the  flute-players  what  should  you  infer  as  to  the  artistic  taste  of 
the  Romans  ?     How  did  they  compare  in  this  respect  with  the  Greeks  ? 

7.  Describe  the  character  of  Scipio  Africanus.  What  were  his  ad- 
mirable traits  ? 

8.  Describe  the  character  of  Scipio  yEmilianus.  How  did  he  differ 
from  other  Romans  ?  Compare  him  with  the  educated  gentleman  of 
the  present.     How  did  Polybius  influence  him  ?    Who  tells  this  story  ? 

9.  Give  an  account  of  Cato  the  Censor,  and  describe  his  character. 
Compare  him  with  the  Scipios.  Which  of  the  three  was  the  most 
thoroughly  Roman  ? 

10.  What  do  the  extracts  from  Cato's  Agriculture  teach  regarding 
a  country  estate  ? 

11.  Collect  all  the  material  on  the  manners,  customs,  and  character 
of  the  Romans  in  chs.  v,  vi,  and  in  the  corresponding  chapters  of  the 
Borne  (or  Ancient  History),  and  write  a  paper  on  the  subject  with 
reference  to  the  period  of  the  Punic  Wars. 


CHAPTER    VII 

The  Revolution  —  ( i )  The  Gracchi,  Marius, 
and  Sulla 

Third  Period  of  the  Republic — First  Epoch  (133-79  b.c.) 

Tiberius  and  Gaius  Gracchus  were  the  sons  of  that  Tibe-   Tiberius  and 
rius  Gracchus  who  was  censor  and  twice  consul  and  who   ^gS  Grac" 
celebrated  two  triumphs.     Their  father  was  still  more  dis-   Cf.  p.  2. 
tinguished,  however,  by  his  personal  character,  to  which  he 
owed  the  honor  of  having  for  his  wife  Cornelia,  the  daughter 
of  Scipio,  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal.     This  lady  he  married   Plutarch, 
after  Scipio's  death,  though  Tiberius  had  not  been  a  friend    ™auhus  1 
of  her  father,  but  rather  a  political  opponent. 

A  story  is  told  that  Tiberius,  the  father,  once  caught  a  The  death  of 
couple  of  snakes  in  his  bed,  and  the  soothsayers  after  con-  their  father- 
suiting  on  the  matter  told  him  not  to  kill  both  nor  let  both 
go.  They  said  if  the  male  were  killed,  the  death  of  Tiberius 
would  follow ;  and  if  the  female  were  killed,  Cornelia  would 
die.  Now  Tiberius,  who  loved  his  wife  and  thought  it  more 
suitable  for  him  to  die  first,  as  he  was  an  elderly  man  and 
his  wife  still  young,  killed  the  male  snake  and  let  the  female 
go.    No  long  time  afterward  he  died,  leaving  twelve  children. 

Cornelia,  their  mother,  undertook  the  care  of  the  family   Their 
and  of  her   husband's    property.     She  showed  herself  so  mother- 
prudent,  so  fond  of  her  children,  and  so  noble  a  character 
that  people  thought  Tiberius  did  well  in  dying  in  place  of 
such  a  wife.     Though  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt,  afterward  in- 
vited her  to  share  his  crown  and  wooed  her  for  his  wife,  she 

i59 


i6o 


The  Revolution 


The  charac- 
ter of  the 
Gracchi. 

Plutarch, 
Tiberius 
Gracchus,  2. 

Preston  and 
Dodge, 
Private 
Life  of  the 
Romans, 
p.  96. 


a.  3. 


refused  the  offer  and  continued  a  widow.  All  her  children 
died  before  her  except  one  daughter,  who  married  the 
younger  Scipio  (^Emilianus),  and  two  sons,  Tiberius  and 
Gaius,  who  were  brought  up  by  their  mother  so  carefully 
that  they  became  beyond  dispute  the  most  accomplished  of 
Roman  youths.  This  superiority  they  owed  perhaps  more 
to  their  excellent  education  than  even  to  their  natural  good 
Qualities. 

In  character,  in  the  expression  of  his  face,  and  in  his 
movements  Tiberius  was  mild  and  sedate ;  Gaius  was  ani- 
mated and  impetuous.  When  Tiberius  addressed  the  people, 
he  would  stand  composedly  in  one  spot,  but  Gaius  was  the 
first  Roman  to  move  about  the  rostra  and  pull  his  toga  from 
his  shoulder  while  speaking.  The  manner  of  Gaius  was  awe- 
inspiring  and  vehement ;  that  of  Tiberius  was  more  pleasing 
and  more  calculated  to  stir  the  sympathies.  The  language 
of  Tiberius  was  pure  and  nicely  elaborated ;  that  of  Gaius 
was  copious  and  persuasive. 

Such  were  the  contrasts  between  the  two  brothers ;  but  in 
courage  against  the  enemy,  in  justice  to  the  subject  nations, 
in  the  careful  discharge  of  public  duties,  and  in  self-control, 
they  were  alike.  Tiberius  was  the  elder  by  nine  years, — 
a  circumstance  which  caused  their  political  careers  to  be 
separated  by  an  interval,  and  which  did  much  to  bring  about 
the  failure  of  their  measures ;  for  not  rising  to  eminence  at 
the  same  time,  they  could  not  unite  their  strength  in  one 
irresistible  effort. 

Tiberius  Gracchus 


The  legisla- 
tion of  Tibe- 
rius. 

Plutarch, 
Tiberius 
Gracchus,  7. 


While  Scipio  (^EmilianuS|  his  brother-in-law,)  was  warring 
against  Numantia,  Tiberius  began  his  legislation,  to  which  he 
was  led  by  the  following  motives. 

Of  the  land  acquired  by  war  the  Romans  (1)  assigned 
the  cultivated  part  forthwith  to  settlers  or  (2)  leased  or 
(3)  sold  it.  Since  they  had  no  leisure  immediately  to  allot 
the  part  which  then  lay  desolated  by  war,  —  generally  the 


Effects  of  Slavery 


161 


greater  part,  —  (4)  they  made  proclamation  that  in  the 
meantime  those  who  were  willing  to  work  it  might  do  so 
on  condition  of  rendering  to  the  government  a  share  of  the 
yearly  crops  —  a  tenth  of  the  grain  and  a  fifth  of  the  fruit. 
From  those  who  kept  flocks  was  required  a  share  of  the 
animals,  both  oxen  and  small  cattle.  They  did  these  things 
in  order  to  multiply  the  Italian  race,  which  they  considered 
the  most  laborious  of  peoples,  that  they  might  have  plenty 
of  allies  at  home. 

The  result,  however,  was  the  very  opposite  of  their  desire. 
For  the  rich,  getting  possession  of  the  greater  part  of  the 
undistributed  lands,  and  emboldened  by  the  lapse  of  time 
to  believe  that  they  should  never  be  dispossessed,  added  to 
their  holdings  the  small  farms  of  their  poor  neighbors  partly 
by  purchase  and  partly  by  force.  In  this  way  they  came  to 
cultivate  vast  tracts  instead  of  single  estates,  using  for  the 
purpose  slaves  as  laborers  and  herdsmen,  lest  free  laborers 
should  be  drawn  from  their  employment  into  the  army. 

The  ownership  of  slaves  itself  brought  great  gain  from 
the  large  number  of  children,  who  multiplied  because 
slaves  were  exempt  from  military  service.  Thus  the  power- 
ful men  became  enormously  rich,  and  the  race  of  slaves 
increased  throughout  the  country,  while  the  Italian  people 
dwindled  in  numbers  and  strength,  oppressed  by  penury, 
taxes,  and  military  service.  If  they  had  any  respite  from 
these  evils,  they  passed  their  time  in  idleness,  because 
the  land  was  held  by  the  rich,  who  employed  slaves  instead 
of  freemen  as  cultivators. 

In  a  certain  book  Gaius  recorded  that  as  Tiberius,  his 
brother,  was  passing  through  Etruria  on  his  way  to  Numan- 
tia,  he  saw  that  the  country  was  depopulated,  and  that  the 
laborers  and  shepherds  were  foreign  slaves  and  barbarians ; 
then  for  the  first  time  Tiberius  thought  out  those  political 
measures  which  to  the  two  brothers  were  the  beginning  of 
infinite  calamities.  But  the  energy  and  ambition  of  Tiberius 
were  roused  mainly  by  the  people,  who  by  writing  on  the 

M 


How  the 
Romans 
disposed  of 
acquired 
land. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
i.7. 


How  Tibe- 
rius became 
a  reformer. 

Plutarch, 
Tiberius 
Gracchus,  8. 


162 


The   Revolution 


His  agrarian 
law,  133  B.C. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
i.9. 

Rome,  p.  152 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  350. 

Opposition. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars. 


The  poor 
support  him. 


porticos,  walls,  and  tombs,  urged  him  to  recover  the  public 
land  for  the  poor. 

He  brought  forward  a  law  which  provided  (1)  that  no  one 
should  hold  more  than  five  hundred  jugera  of  the  public  land. 
But  he  added  a  provision  to  the  former  law,  (2)  that  the  sons 
of  the  present  occupiers  might  each  hold  one-half  that 
amount,  and  (3)  that  the  remainder  should  be  divided 
among  the  poor  by  triumvirs,  who  should  be  changed 
annually. 

This  greatly  disturbed  the  rich  because,  on  account  of  the 
triumvirs,  they  could  no  longer  disregard  the  law  as  they  had 
done  before ;  nor  could  they  buy  the  allotments  of  others, 
for  Gracchus  had  provided  against  this  by  forbidding  sales. 
Collecting  in  groups,  they  lamented,  and  accused  the  poor 
of  appropriating  the  results  of  their  tillage,  their  vineyards, 
and  their  dwellings.  Some  said  they  had  paid  the  price  of 
the  land  to  their  neighbors.  Were  they  to  lose  the  money 
with  the  land?  Others  said  that  the  graves  of  their  ancestors 
were  in  the  ground  which  had  been  allotted  to  them  in  the 
division  of  their  fathers'  estates.  Others  declared  that  their 
wives'  dowries  had  been  expended  on  the  estates,  or  that 
the  land  had  been  given  to  their  own  daughters  as  dowry. 
Money-lenders  could  show  loans  made  on  this  security.  All 
kinds  of  wailing  and  expressions  of  indignation  were  heard 
at  once. 

On  the  other  side  were  heard  the  lamentations  of  the 
poor,  —  that  they  had  been  reduced  from  competence  to 
extreme  penury,  and  from  that  to  childlessness  because  they 
were  unable  to  rear  their  offspring.  They  recounted  the 
military  services  they  had  rendered,  by  which  this  very  land 
had  been  acquired,  and  were  angry  that  they  were  robbed 
of  their  share  of  the  common  property.  They  reproached 
the  rich  for  employing  instead  of  citizens,  mere  slaves,  who 
were  always  faithless  and  ill-tempered  and  for  that  reason  un- 
serviceable in  war. 

While  these  classes  were  lamenting,  and  accusing   each 


An  Obstinate  Tribune  163 

other,  many  from  the  colonies  and  municipia,  and  all  in  fact 
who  were  interested  in  the  lands  and  who  were  under  similar 
fears,  flocked  in  and  took  sides  with  the  respective  factions. 
Emboldened  by  numbers  and  exasperated  against  each 
other,  they  formed  turbulent  crowds,  and  waited  for  the  vot- 
ing on  the  new  law.  Some  tried  by  all  means  to  prevent  its 
enactment  and  others  supported  it  in  every  possible  way. 
In  addition  to  personal  interest,  the  spirit  of  rivalry  spurred 
both  sides  in  the  preparations  they  were  making  for  the  day 
of  the  assembly. 

What  Gracchus  had  in  his  mind  in  proposing  the  measure   The  object  of 
was  not  wealth  but  an  increase  in  the  number  of  useful  citi-      e  aw' 
zens.     Thoroughly  inspired   by  the  value  of  his  plan,  and    avlfwars 
believing  that  nothing  more  advantageous  or  more  admirable   »■ «• 
could  ever  happen  to  Italy,  he  took  no  account  of  the  diffi- 
culties in  his  way.  .  .  . 

Marcus  Octavius,  another  tribune,  who  had  been  induced  #.  12. 
by  the  holders  of  these  lands  to  interpose  his  veto,  ordered 
the  scribe  to  keep  silence.  Now  among  the  Romans  the 
tribune's  veto  always  prevailed.  Gracchus  therefore  re- 
proached him  severely  and  adjourned  the  meeting  to  the 
following  day.  Then  he  stationed  a  sufficient  guard  as  if 
to  force  Octavius  against  his  will,  and  with  threats  ordered 
the  scribe  to  read  the  proposed  law  to  the  multitude. 
He  began  to  read  but  when  Octavius  again  vetoed,  he 
stopped. 

Then  the  tribunes  fell  to  wrangling  with  each  other,  and 
a  considerable  tumult  arose  among  the  people.  The  lead- 
ing citizens  besought  the  tribunes  to  submit  their  controversy 
to  the  senate  for  a  decision.  Gracchus  seized  on  the  sug- 
gestion, —  for  he  believed  that  the  law  was  acceptable  to  all 
well-disposed  persons,  —  and  hastened  to  the  senate-house. 
As  he  had  there  only  a  few  followers  and  was  upbraided  by 
the  rich,  he  ran  back  to  the  Forum,  and  said  he  would  take  the 
vote  of  the  assembly  on  the  following  day  ;  the  question  would 
be  not  only  on  the  law  but  on  the  magistracy  of  Octavius, 


164 


The  Revolution 


to  determine  whether  a  tribune  who  was  acting  con- 
trary to  the  people's  interest  could  continue  to  hold  his 
office. 

And  so  he  did  ;  for  when  Octavius,  nothing  daunted,  again 
interposed,  Gracchus  distributed  the  pebbles  to  take  a  vote 
on  him  first.  When  the  first  tribe  voted  to  depose  Octavius 
from  his  magistracy,  Gracchus  turned  to  him  and  begged 
him  to  desist  from  his  veto.  As  he  would  not  yield,  the 
votes  of  the  other  tribes  were  taken.  There  were  thirty-five 
tribes  at  this  time.  The  seventeen  which  first  voted,  angrily 
sustained  this  motion.  If  the  eighteenth  should  do  the 
same,  it  would  make  a  majority.  Again  did  Gracchus,  in 
the  sight  of  the  people,  urgently  importune  Octavius  in  his 
present  extreme  danger  not  to  prevent  this  most  pious  work, 
so  useful  to  Italy,  and  not  to  frustrate  the  wishes  so  earnestly 
entertained  by  the  people;  whose  desires  he  ought  rather  to 
share  in  his  character  of  tribune,  and  not  risk  the  loss  of 
his  office  by  public  condemnation.  After  speaking  thus,  he 
called  the  gods  to  witness  that  he  did  not  willingly  do  any 
despite  to  his  colleague.  But  as  Octavius  was  still  unyield- 
ing, he  went  on  to  take  the  votes.  Octavius  was  forthwith 
reduced  to  the  rank  of  a  private  citizen  and  slunk  away 
unobserved. 

The  law  concerning  the  land  was  immediately  afterward 
carried.  .  .  . 

Because  of  the  threats  and  the  combination  of  enemies, 
the  friends  of  Tiberius  thought  he  ought  to  be  candidate  for 
the  tribunate  for  the  next  year ;  and  Tiberius  attempted  to 
strengthen  his  popularity  by  promising  to  carry  new  measures. 

(On  the  morning  of  the  election)  Gracchus  assembled  his 
partisans  before  daybreak,  and  communicated  to  them  a 
sign  to  be  given  in  case  of  a  fight.  He  then  took  posses- 
sion of  the  temple  on  the  Capitoline  Hill,  where  the  voting 
was  to  be.  He  himself  occupied  the  middle  of  the 
assembly.  As  he  was  hindered  by  the  other  tribunes  and 
by  the  rich,  who  would  not  allow  the  votes  to  be  taken  on 


Violence  165 

the  question,  he  gave  the  signal.    There  was  a  sudden  shout 
from  those  who  saw  it,  and  violence  was  the  result. 

Some  partisans  of  Gracchus  took  position  around  him  like  Violence, 
a  body-guard;  others,  wresting  the  fasces  from  the  hands 
of  the  lictors,  broke  them  in  pieces.  They  drove  the  rich 
from  the  assembly  with  such  disorder  and  wounds  that  the 
tribunes  fled  from  their  places  in  terror,  and  the  priests 
closed  the  doors  of  the  temple.  Many  ran  away  pell-mell 
and  scattered  wild  rumors. 

The  enemies  of  Tiberius  ran  to  the  senate  and  reported  Plutarch, 
that  he  was  asking  for  a  crown,  and  that  his  touching  his  head  Gracchus,  19. 
(the  signal  agreed  upon)  was  a  proof  of  it.  Thereupon 
the  whole  body  was  greatly  disturbed.  Nasica  entreated 
the  consul  to  protect  the  state  and  put  down  the  tyrant. 
The  consul  however  answered  mildly  that  he  would  not  be 
the  first  to  use  violence,  and  that  he  would  take  no  citizen's 
life  without  a  regular  trial.  "  If,  however,"  he  continued, 
"  the  people  come  to  an  illegal  vote  at  the  instigation  of 
Tiberius,  I  will  not  respect  any  such  decision." 

Then  Nasica  springing  up  exclaimed,  "  Well  then,  if  the  Tiberius  is 
consul  betrays  the  state,  let  all  who  wish  to  maintain  the  killed- 
laws  follow  me."  As  he  uttered  these  words  he  drew  his 
toga  over  his  head  and  hastened  to  the  Capitol.  The  other 
senators  who  followed  him  wrapped  their  togas  about  them 
with  one  hand,  and  pushed  all  the  people  they  met  out  of 
their  way,  for  from  respect  to  their  rank,  no  one  opposed 
them  ;  but  all  taking  to  flight,  trampled  one  another  down. 

The  followers  of  the  senators  had  clubs  and  sticks  which 
they  had  brought  from  home  ;  but  the  senators,  seizing  the 
fragments  and  legs  of  the  benches  which  were  broken  by  the 
people  in  their  hurry  to  escape,  made  right  for  Tiberius  and 
struck  all  who  were  in  their  way.  The  people  were  all  put 
to  flight  or  killed.  As  Tiberius  was  attempting  to  escape, 
some  one  laid  hold  of  his  dress,  whereupon  he  dropped 
his  toga  and  fled  in  his  tunic ;  but  he  stumbled  over  some 
persons  who  were  lying  on   the   ground,  and   was  thrown 


1 66 


The  Revolution 


The  blame  is 
on  the 
nobles. 

Plutarch, 
Tiberius 
Gracchus,  20. 
(It  is  to  be 
noted  that 
the  nobles 
were  the  first 
to  resort  to 
violence  and 
bloodshed.) 


down.  While  he  was  trying  to  rise  he  received  the  first 
blow,  as  is  universally  admitted,  from  Publius  Satyreius,  one 
of  his  colleagues,  who  struck  him  on  the  head  with  the  leg 
of  a  bench.  Lucius  Rufus  claimed  the  credit  of  giving  him 
the  second  blow,  as  if  it  were  a  thing  to  be  proud  of.  Above 
three  hundred  persons  were  killed  by  sticks  and  stones,  but 
none  by  the  sword. 

On  this  occasion  it  is  probable  that  Tiberius  would  have 
given  way  to  persuasion  without  difficulty,  if  his  assailants 
had  not  come  to  bloodshed  and  blows,  for  those  about  him 
were  not  above  three  thousand.  But  the  combination  against 
him  seems  to  have  been  caused  by  the  passion  and  hatred 
of  the  rich  citizens  rather  than  by  what  they  alleged ;  and 
their  brutal  and  indecent  treatment  of  his  body  is  a  proof 
of  this.  For  they  would  not  listen  to  his  brother's  request 
to  take  up  the  body  and  bury  it  by  night,  but  it  was  thrown 
into  the  Tiber  with  the  other  bodies.  And  this  was  not  all ; 
they  banished  some  of  his  friends  without  trial  and  others 
they  seized  and  put  to  death,  among  whom  was  Diophanes 
the  orator.  Gaius  Villius  they  shut  up  in  a  vessel  with  snakes 
and  vipers,  and  thus  caused  his  death.  When  Blossius  of 
Cumae  was  brought  before  the  consuls  and  questioned  about 
what  had  passed,  he  admitted  that  he  had  done  everything 
at  the  bidding  of  Tiberius.     Nasica  asked  him, 

"  What  if  Tiberius  had  told  you  to  burn  the  Capitol?" 

"Tiberius  would  never  have  given  such  an  order,"  was 
the  reply. 

As  the  same  question  was  often  repeated  and  by  several 
persons,  he  said  : 

"  If  he  had  commanded  me  to  burn  the  Capitol,  it  would 
have  been  a  good  deed  for  me  to  do :  for  Tiberius  would 
not  have  given  such  an  order,  unless  it  were  for  the  interest 
of  the  people." 

Blossius  was  set  at  liberty. 


Great  Reforms   Proposed  167 

Gaius  Gracchus 

The  common  opinion  is  that  Gaius  was  a  pure  demagogue  Gaius  Grac- 
and  much  more  greedy  of  popular  favor  than  Tiberius.     But  chus- 
in  fact  the  younger  brother  took  part  in  public  affairs  through    £U*arc!V. 
necessity  rather  than  choice.     Cicero  the  orator  says  that  chus,  1. 
Gaius  declined  all  offices  and  had  determined  to  live  in 
retirement,  but  that  his  brother  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream 
and  said,  "  Gaius,  why  do  you  hesitate  ?    There  is  no  escape 
—  it  is  our  fate  to  live  and  die  for  the  people." 

On  entering  office  (the  tribunate)  he  soon  made  himself    123  b.c 
the  first  on  the  board,  for  he  surpassed  every  Roman  in 
eloquence,  and  his  misfortunes  gave  him  a  license  for  speak-   lb.  3. 
ing  freely  when  lamenting  the  fate  of  his  brother. 

Of  the  laws  which  he  proposed  with  a  view  to  gaining  the   His  laws, 
popular  favor  and  to  weakening  the  senate,  one  was  for  the   Plutarch, 
establishment  of  colonies  and  for  the  distribution  of  public  ^su\Grac~ 
land  among  the  poor.     Another  provided  for  supplying  the 
soldiers  with  clothing  at  the  public  expense,  without  any 
deduction  from  their  pay  on  this  account ;   the  same  law 
exempted  youths  under  seventeen  from  being  drafted  for 
the  army.     A  third  favored  the  allies,  and  put  the  Italians 
on  the  same   footing  as  the  citizens  with  respect  to  the 
suffrage.     Another,  relating  to  grain,  had  for  its  object  the 
lowering  of  the  price  for  the  poor.     The  last  referred  to 
the  jurors,  —  a  measure  which  most  of  all  encroached  on 
the  privileges  of  the  senate. 

The  people  not  only  passed  the  last-named  measure,  but  His 
empowered  Gracchus  to  select  from  the  knights  those  who  jJJJJJ"!*10*1 
were  to  act  as  jurors  —  a  right  which  conferred  on  him  a   Plutarch 
kind  of  monarchical  authority,  and   even  the  senate  now   Gaius  Grac- 
assented  to  the  measures  which  he  proposed  in  that  body. 
All  his  plans,  however,  were  honorable  to  the  senate.     Such, 
for   instance,   was   the  reasonable   and  just   decree   about   Rome,  p.  130, 
the  grain  which   Fabius  the  propraetor   sent   from   Iberia.   n'  *' 
Gracchus  induced  the  senate  to  sell  the  grain  and  return 


i68 


The   Revolution 


An  adminis- 
trator of 
marvellous 
energy. 


His  public 
roads. 

Plutarch, 
Gaius  Grac- 
chus, 7. 


P.  20. 


the  money  to  the  Iberian  cities,  and  further  to  censure 
Fabius  for  making  the  Roman  dominion  heavy  and  intoler- 
able to  the  subject  nations.  This  decree  brought  Gaius 
great  reputation  and  popularity  in  the  provinces. 

He  also  introduced  measures  for  sending  out  colonies,  for 
the  construction  of  roads,  and  for  the  building  of  public 
granaries;  and  he  made  himself  director  and  superintendent 
for  carrying  all  these  plans  into  effect.  Though  engaged  in 
so  many  great  undertakings,  he  was  never  wearied,  but  with 
wonderful  activity  and  labor  he  effected  every  single  object 
as  if  he  had  for  the  time  no  other  occupation ;  so  that  even 
those  who  thoroughly  feared  and  hated  him  were  amazed  at 
the  rapidity  and  perfect  execution  of  all  that  he  undertook. 
But  the  people  looked  with  admiration  on  the  man  himself, 
as  they  saw  him  attended  by  crowds  of  building  contractors, 
artificers,  ambassadors,  soldiers,  and  learned  men,  to  all  of 
whom  he  was  easy  of  access.  And  while  he  maintained  his 
dignity,  he  was  affable  to  all,  and  adapted  his  behavior  to 
the  condition  of  every  individual,  and  so  proved  the  false- 
hood of  those  who  called  him  tyrannical  or  arrogant  or 
violent.  In  this  way  he  showed  himself  more  skilful  as  a 
popular  leader  i*  his  dealings  with  men  than  even  in  his 
speeches  from  the  rostra. 

But  Gaius  busied  himself  most  about  the  building  of 
roads  with  a  view  to  utility,  convenience,  and  ornament. 
The  roads  were  made  in  a  straight  line  through  the  country, 
partly  of  quarried  stone  and  partly  with  tight-rammed  masses 
of  earth.  By  filling  up  the  depressions,  and  by  throwing 
bridges  across  those  parts  which  were  traversed  by  winter 
torrents  or  deep  ravines,  and  by  raising  the  road  on  both 
sides  to  the  same  uniform  height,  the  whole  line  was  made 
level,  and  presented  a  pleasing  appearance.  He  also  meas- 
ured all  the  roads  by  miles  —  the  Roman  mile  is  not  quite 
eight  stadia  —  and  he  fixed  stone  blocks  to  mark  the  dis- 
tances. He  placed  other  stones  at  shorter  distances  from 
one  another  on  each  side  of  the  road,  that  people  might 


Opposition  to   Gaius  169 

easily  mount  their  horses  from  these  blocks  without  other 
assistance. 

He  called  the  Latin  allies  to  demand  the  full  rights  of  The  Latins 

Roman  citizenship,  for  the  senate  could  not  with  decency  J^aians. 

refuse  this  privilege  to  kinsmen  by  blood.     To  the  other  Appian.aw'i 

allies,  who  were  not  allowed  to  vote  in  Roman  assemblies,  Wars,  i.  23. 

he  sought  to  give  the  right  of  suffrage,  in  order  to  have  (For  coi- 

their  help  in  the  enactment  of  laws  which  he  had  in  mind.  etc,  see 

Greatly  alarmed  at  this,  the  senate  ordered  the  consuls  to  R°m/,  pp- 

J  '  62-64;  An- 

give  public  notice :  "  Nobody  who  does  not  possess  the  dent  History, 
right  of  suffrage  shall  stay  in  the  city  or  approach  within  PP*  294-2q6.) 
forty  stadia  of  it  while  the  voting  is  going  on  concerning 
these  laws."  The  senate  also  persuaded  Livius  Drusus, 
another  tribune,  to  interpose  his  veto  against  the  laws  pro- 
posed by  Gracchus,  but  not  to  tell  the  people  his  reasons 
for  doing  so ;  for  a  tribune  was  not  required  to  give  reasons 
for  his  veto.  In  order  to  win  the  people  they  gave  Drusus 
the  privilege  of  founding  twelve  colonies,  and  the  plebeians 
were  so  much  pleased  with  this  that  they  began  to  scoff  at 
the  laws  proposed  by  Gracchus. 

(These  were  the  achievements  of  Gaius  in  the  first  and  His  troubles, 
second  year  of  his  tribunate.  But  he  failed  to  be  elected 
for  a  third  year,  and  his  enemies  called  an  assembly  to 
repeal  his  law  for  establishing  a  colony  at  Carthage.  In 
a  fight  which  broke  up  this  meeting  the  senatorial  party 
gained  the  upper  hand.) 

Gaius  took  no  part  in  the  contest,  but  greatly  troubled  at  Plutarch, 
what  was  happening,  he  retired  to  the  temple  of  Diana,  and  f^'J^*6' 
was  going  to  kill  himself  there,  but  was  prevented  by  his 
faithful  friends,  Pomponius  and  Licinius,  who  took  the  sword 
away  and  induced  him  to  flee.  It  is  said  that  he  went  down 
on  his  knees  in  the  temple,  and  stretching  out  his  hands  to 
the  statue  of  the  goddess,  prayed  that  for  their  ingratitude 
and  treachery  to  him  the  Roman  people  might  always  be 
slaves ;  for  the  greater  part  of  them  had  openly  gone  over 
to  the  other  side  on  receiving  a  promise  of  pardon. 


170 


The  Revolution 


His  death. 

Plutarch, 
Gsms  Grac- 
chus, 17. 


Opimius. 

Plutarch, 
Gains  Grac- 
chus, 18. 


P.  172. 


Gaius  fled  and  his  enemies  pursued.  They  came  near  over- 
taking him  at  the  Wooden  Bridge ;  but  his  two  friends,  bid- 
ding him  make  his  escape,  opposed  the  pursuers,  and  allowed 
no  one  to  pass  the  head  of  the  bridge  till  both  were  killed. 
With  Gaius  ran  a  single  slave  named  Philocrates.  All  the 
spectators  were  urging  Gaius  to  fly,  just  as  if  they  were  en- 
couraging a  runner  in  a  race,  yet  no  one,  though  he  prayed 
for  it,  would  come  to  his  aid  or  lend  him  a  horse ;  for  the 
pursuers  were  close  upon  him.  He  escaped  into  the  sacred 
grove  of  the  Furies,  and  there  fell  by  the  hand  of  Philocrates, 
who  killed  himself  on  the  body  of  his  master.  .  .  . 

The  bodies  of  Gaius  and  Fulvius  (his  friend)  and  of  their 
partisans  were  thrown  into  the  river,  their  property  was  sold, 
and  the  money  was  paid  into  the  treasury.  The  number  of 
the  dead  amounted  to  three  thousand.  The  authorities  for- 
bade the  women  to  lament  for  their  relatives,  and  deprived 
Licinia  (the  wife  of  Gaius)  of  her  marriage  portion. 

Opimius  (the  consul  who  caused  the  overthrow  of  Gaius) 
was  the  first  who  ever  exercised  the  dictatorial  power  in  the 
office  of  consul.  He  condemned  without  trial  three  thousand 
citizens  —  among  them  Gaius  Gracchus  and  Fulvius  Flaccus. 
Fulvius  was  a  man  of  consular  rank  and  had  enjoyed  a 
triumph  ;  Gracchus  was  the  first  man  of  his  age  in  character 
and  reputation.  This  Opimius  did  not  keep  himself  free 
from  corruption.  Sent  as  a  commissioner  to  Jugurtha,  the 
king  of  Numidia,  he  was  bribed  by  him ;  and  convicted  of 
most  shameful  corruption,  he  spent  the  last  years  of  his  life 
in  infamy,  hated  and  insulted  by  the  people,  who  though 
humbled  and  depressed  for  a  time,  soon  showed  how  much 
they  longed  for  and  regretted  the  Gracchi.  For  they  had 
statues  of  the  two  brothers  made  and  set  up  in  public  places, 
and  the  spots  on  which  they  fell  were  declared  sacred  ground, 
to  which  the  people  brought  all  the  first  fruits  of  the  seasons  ; 
and  many  persons  daily  offered  sacrifices  there  and  wor- 
shipped, just  as  at  the  temples  of  the  gods. 

Cornelia  bore  her  misfortunes  with  a  noble  spirit,  and  said 


An  Old-Time  Roman  171 

of  the  sacred  ground  on  which  her  sons  were  murdered,  that  Cornelia, 
they  had  a  tomb  worthy  of  them.  .  .  .     She  would  speak  of    Plutarch, 
her  sons  without  showing  sorrow  or  shedding  a  tear,  relating  ej^l9t  * 
their  sufferings  and  their  deeds  to  her  inquiring  friends  as  if 
she  were  speaking  of  the  men  of  olden  time.   .  .  .     Though 
fortune  has  often  the  advantage  over  virtue  in  its  attempts 
to  guard  against  evils,  she  cannot  take  away  from  virtue  the 
power  of  enduring  them  with  fortitude. 

Gaius  Marius 

(Not  long  after  the  death  of  the  younger  Gracchus,  Gaius   Gaius 
Marius  came  into  prominence  as  a  military  commander  of 
remarkable  genius,  and  as  a  leader  of  the  people  against  the 
corrupt  nobility.) 

Marius  was  the  son  of  obscure  parents,  who  gained  their  Plutarch, 
living  by  the  labor  of  their  hands,  and  were  poor.  His  iriUS>3- 
father's  name  was  Marius,  his  mother's  Fulcinia.  Many 
years  passed  before  young  Marius  saw  Rome  and  became 
acquainted  with  the  habits  of  the  city.  Up  to  that  time  he 
lived  ...  in  a  village  in  the  neighborhood  of  Arpinum. 
His  mode  of  life  was  rude  when  contrasted  with  the  polite 
and  artificial  fashions  of  the  city,  but  temperate  and  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  old  Roman  discipline.  He  first  served 
against  the  Celtiberians  when  Scipio  (^Emilianus)  Africanus  Pp.  144. 160. 
was  besieging  Numantia,  and  he  attracted  the  notice  of  his 
commander  by  his  superiority  in  courage  over  all  the  other 
young  soldiers,  and  by  readily  adapting  himself  to  the  im- 
proved discipline  which  Scipio  introduced  among  the  troops, 
who  had  been  corrupted  by  luxurious  habits  and  extrava- 
gance. It  is  said,  too,  that  Marius  killed  one  of  the  enemy 
in  a  single  combat  in  the  presence  of  the  general. 

The  young  man  accordingly  received  from  Scipio  various   Honored  by 
tokens  of  honor.     Once  after  supper  when  those  who  were     cip10, 
present  began  to  talk  about  generals,  and  one  of  the  com- 
pany, either  because  he  really  felt  a  difficulty  or  merely  wished 


172 


The  Revolution 


Sallust, 
Jugurthine 
War,  63. 


Under 
Metellus  in 
Africa,  109- 
108  B.C. 

Plutarch, 
Marius,  7. 


The  fame  of 
Marius. 


to  flatter  Scipio,  asked  him  where  the  Romans  would  find 
such  another  leader  and  protector  when  he  was  gone,  Scipio 
laid  his  hand  gently  on  the  shoulder  of  Marius,  who  was 
reclining  next  to  him,  and  said,  "  Perhaps  here."  So  full 
of  promise  was  the  youth  of  Marius  and  so  discerning  was 
the  judgment  of  Scipio. 

The  leading  features  in  the  character  of  Marius  were 
industry,  integrity,  great  knowledge  of  war,  and  a  spirit 
undaunted  in  the  field  of  battle.  Temperate  in  private  life 
and  superior  to  pleasure,  he  was  ambitious  only  for  glory. 

When  Caecilius  Metellus  was  appointed  consul  with  the 
command  of  the  war  against  Jugurtha  (king  of  Numidia), 
he  took  Marius  with  him  as  lieutenant  to  Libya.  .  .  . 

Though  the  war  involved  many  hardships,  Marius  shrank 
from  no  danger  however  great,  and  he  thought  nothing  too 
trivial  to  be  neglected,  but  in  prudent  measures  and  in 
careful  foresight  he  surpassed  all  the  officers  of  his  own 
rank,  and  he  vied  with  the  soldiers  in  hard  living  and  in 
endurance.  In  these  ways  he  won  their  affections.  For 
certainly  nothing  reconciles  a  man  so  readily  to  toil  as  to 
see  another  willingly  sharing  it  with  him,  for  thus  the  com- 
pulsion seems  to  be  taken  away.  It  is  the  greatest  pleasure 
to  Roman  soldiers  to  see  their  general  eating  with  them 
common  bread  and  sleeping  on  a  coarse  mat,  or  taking  a 
hand  in  trench  work  and  fortification. 

Soldiers  do  not  so  much  admire  a  general  who  shares  with 
them  the  honor  and  the  spoil  as  one  who  takes  part  in  their 
toils  and  dangers;  and  they  love  a  commander  who  will 
share  in  their  labors  more  than  one  who  indulges  their 
license.  By  such  conduct  as  this  and  by  winning  the  affec- 
tion of  the  troops,  Marius  soon  filled  Libya  and  Rome  with 
his  fame  and  glory ;  for  the  soldiers  wrote  to  their  friends 
at  home  and  told  them  there  would  be  no  end  to  the 
war  with  the  barbarians  —  no  deliverance  from  it  —  if  the 
Romans  did  not  elect  Marius  consul. 

These  proceedings  greatly  annoyed  Metellus.  .  .  . 


\J 


A   Great  Military   Change  173 


Marius  however  was  anxious  to  obtain  leave  of  absence; 
and  Metellus  after  devising  various  pretexts  for  delay,  at  last 
allowed  him  to  go,  when  there  were  only  twelve  days  left 
before  the  consuls  would  be  declared.  The  long  journey 
from  the  camp  to  Utica  on  the  coast  Marius  accomplished 
in  two  days  and  one  night,  and  offered  sacrifice  before 
setting  sail. 

In  four  days  he  crossed  the  sea  with  a  favorable  wind,  and 
was  most  joyfully  received  by  the  people.  Introduced  to  the 
assembly  by  one  of  the  tribunes,  he  violently  abused  Metellus 
and  ended  with  asking  for  the  consulship,  promising  either 
to  kill  Jugurtha  or  to  take  him  alive. 

Declared  consul  by  a  great  majority,  he  forthwith  set 
about  levying  soldiers  in  a  new  and  illegal  way. 

He  took  all  who  were  willing  to  join  him,  the  greater 
number  from  the  lowest  ranks.  Some  said  this  was  done 
from  a  scarcity  of  better  men,  and  others  from  the  consul's 
desire  to  pay  court  to  the  poorer  class,  by  whom  he  had 
been  honored  and  promoted.  In  fact  to  a  man  grasping  at 
power  the  most  needy  are  the  most  serviceable. 

Former  generals  had  never  admitted  men  of  this  kind  into 
the  army,  but  had  given  arms,  as  a  badge  of  honor,  to  those 
only  who  had  the  due  qualification  (of  property)  ;  for  they 
considered  that  every  soldier  pledged  his  property  to  the 
state. 

Marius  sent  for  auxiliaries  from  foreign  states,  kings,  and 
allies;  he  enlisted,  too,  all  the  bravest  men  from  Latium, 
most  of  whom  he  knew  by  actual  service,  a  few  only  by 
report ;  and  by  earnest  invitation  he  induced  even  the  dis- 
charged veterans  to  accompany  him.  Though  opposed  to 
him,  the  senate  dared  refuse  him  nothing.  The  additions 
to  the  legions  it  voted  with  eagerness  because  it  knew  that 
military  service  was  unpopular,  and  thought  that  Marius 
would  lose  either  the  means  of  warfare  or  the  favor  of  the 
people.  But  it  entertained  such  expectations  in  vain,  so 
ardent  a  desire  of  going  with  Marius  came  upon  almost  all. 


Elected  con- 
sul. 

Plutarch, 
Marius,  8. 


Ib.9. 


His  army. 

Sallust, 
Jugurthinc 
War,  86. 


Plutarch, 
Marius,  9. 


Sallust, 
Jugurthine 
War,  84. 


!74 


The   Revolution 


End  of  the 
war,  106  B.C. 

Sallust, 
tit  ?ur thine 


Velleius  ii. 
12. 


Death  of 
Jugurtha. 

Plutarch, 
Marius.  12. 


The  Cimbri 
and  the 
Teutons. 

Velleius  ii. 
12. 


Every  one  cherished  the  fancy  that  he  would  return  home 
laden  with  spoil,  crowned  with  victory,  or  attended  with 
some  similar  good  fortune. 

Setting  out  accordingly  to  Africa  with  a  somewhat  larger 
force  than  had  been  decreed,  he  arrived  in  a  few  days  at 
Utica.  There  he  received  the  command  of  the  army  from 
Publius  Rutilius,  the  lieutenant  of  Metellus ;  for  Metellus 
himself  avoided  the  sight  of  his  successor,  that  he  might  not 
see  what  he  could  not  endure  even  to  hear  mentioned. 

At  this  early  time  Gaius  Marius  had  Lucius  Sulla  connected 
with  him  as  quaestor,  perhaps  through  the  care  of  the  fates. 
This  officer  Marius  sent  as  ambassador  to  king  Bocchus, 
from  whom  he  received  king  Jugurtha  as  a  prisoner,  —  an 
event  which  took  place  a  hundred  and  thirty-eight  years  ago. 
Elected  consul  a  second  time,  and  returning  to  Rome, 
Marius  led  Jugurtha  in  triumph  on  the  first  of  January,  the 
day  on  which  his  second  consulship  began. 

After  the  triumph  Jugurtha  was  thrown  into  prison,  and 
while  some  were  tearing  his  clothes  from  his  body,  others 
who  were  eager  for  his  golden  ear-rings  pulled  them  off, 
and  the  lobe  of  the  ear  with  them.  As  they  were  thrusting 
him  down  naked  into  a  deep  hole,  he  in  his  frenzy,  with 
a  grinning  laugh,  cried  out,  "  O  Hercules,  how  cold  your 
bath  is  !  "  After  struggling  against  hunger  six  days,  and  to 
the  last  moment  clinging  to  the  wish  to  save  his  life,  he 
paid  the  penalty  due  to  his  enormous  crimes. 

The  overwhelming  force  of  the  German  tribes  —  the 
Cimbri  and  the  Teutons  —  had  vanquished  and  put  to 
flight  the  consuls  Caepio  and  Manlius  in  Gaul,  besides  Carbo 
and  Silanus  still  earlier,  had  dispersed  their  armies,  and  had 
killed  Aurelius  Scaurus  the  consul,  as  well  as  other  leaders 
of  great  reputation.  To  repel  such  formidable  enemies, 
the  Romans  deemed  no  commander  better  qualified  than 
Marius.  Thenceforward  consulships  multiplied  on  him.  His 
third  term  was  spent  in  preparations  for  the  war.  ...  In 
his  fourth  he  engaged  the  Teutons  at  Aquae  Sextiae,  beyond 


Civil  Wars, 
i.  29. 


Tumultuous  Assemblies  175 

the  Alps.  In  two  successive  days  he  slew  a  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  of  them  and  utterly  reduced  their  nation. 
In  his  fifth  he,  with  the  proconsul  Quintus  Lutatius  Catulus, 
met  the  Cimbri  on  what  are  called  the  Raudian  plains,  on 
this  side  of  the  Alps,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war  in  a  most 
successful  battle,  in  which  he  killed  or  took  captive  above  a 
hundred  thousand  men. 

(In  his  sixth  consulship  Marius  unite/J  with  Saturninus,  a  Marius, 
tribune,  and  with  Glaucia,  a  praetor,  .'to  carry  a  law  for  dis-   SMS& 
tnbutmg  land  among  his  veteran^)     Saturninus  appointed   i«>  b.c 
a  day  for  holding  the  assembly,  and  sent  messengers  to  the   Appian 
country  districts  to  summot  those  in  whom  he  had  most 
confidence,  because  the  y  had   served  in   the   army  under 
Marius      As  the  law,,  gave  the   larger  share   to    the  Italian 
allies    the  city  D?fople  were  not  p]eased  with  i% 

Sedition  broj^  QUt  m  the  comitia>     Those  who  attempted   lb.  i.  30. 

venWne  passage  of  the  laws  proposed  by  the  tribunes, 

^Tsaulted   by  Saturninus  and  driven   away   from   the 

.      *!  6     The  city  people  exclaimed  that  they  heard  thunder 

in  the  assembly,  in  which  case  it  is  not  permitted  by  Roman 

custom  to  finish  the   business   that  day.     As  the  followers 

of  Saturninus  nevertheless  persisted,  the  city  people  girded 

themselves,  seized  whatever  clubs  they  could  lay  their  hands 

on,  and  dispersed  the  rural  party.     Rallied  by  Saturninus, 

the  rustics  attacked  the  city  folks  with  clubs,  overcame  them, 

and  passed  the  law. 

Saturninus  was  made  tribune  a  third  time,  and  had  for  his  An  election 
colleague  one  who  was  thought  to  be  a  fugitive  slave,  but  no  ' 
who  claimed  to  be  a  son  of  the  elder  Gracchus.     The  multi-    cfvitwars, 
tude  had  supported  him  in  the  election  because  they  re-   i.  32- 
gretted  Gracchus.     When  the  election  for  consuls  came  on, 
Mark  Antony  was  chosen  as  one  of  them  by  common  con- 
sent.    The  aforesaid  Glaucia  contended  with  Memmius  for 
the  other  place.     Memmius  was  the  more  illustrious  man 
by  far,  and  Glaucia  and  Saturninus  were  fearful  of  the  result. 
So   they  sent  a   gang   of  ruffians   (as   the   opposite   party 


u 


176 


The  Revolution 


Death  of 

Saturninus 
and  Glaucia. 


Anarchy. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
>•  33- 


Strife 
between 
Marius  and 
Sulla. 

Plutarch, 
Marius,  32. 


alleged)  to  attack  him  with  clubs  while  the  election  was 
going  on.  They  fell  upon  him  in  the  midst  of  the  comitia 
and  beat  him  to  death  in  the  sight  of  all.  The  assembly 
broke  up  in  terror.  Neither  laws  nor  courts  nor  a  sense  of 
shame  remained. 

On  the  following  day  the  people  ran  together  in  anger  to 
kill  Saturninus,  but  he  had  collected  another  mob  from  the 
country,  and  with  Glaucia  and  Gaius  Saufeius-a  qusestor 
-he  seized  the  CapiM  The  senate  voted  them  public 
enemies.  Though  vexed^  Marius  armed  some  of  his  forces 
reluctantly,  and  while  he  wasY  delaying,  some  other  persons 
cut  off  the  water-supply  from  the^Capitoline  temple.  Nearly 
perishing  with  thirst,  Saufeius  prop^sed  t0  set  f**mf?  °R 
fire,  but  Glaucia  and  Saturninus,  whtf-  hoPed  thatg^f"™ 
would  assist  them,  surrendered,  and  af$?'  ^m 
As  everybody  demanded  their  death,  Mariu;^  s  u .  l 

in  the  senate-house,  intending  to  deal  with  them  /n 
legal  manner.     The  crowd  considered  this  a  meres^  ,        ' 
They  tore  the  tiles  off  the  roof  and  stoned  them  to  ?r       .,| 
including  a  quaestor,  a  tribune,  and  a  praetor,  who  were  still 
wearing  their  insignia  of  office. 

Many  others  were  swept  out  of  existence  by  this  sedition. 
Among  them  was  that  other  tribune  who  was  supposed  to  be 
the  son  of  Gracchus,  and  who  perished  on  the  first  day  of 
his  magistracy. 

Freedom,  democracy,  laws,  reputation,  official  position, 
were  no  longer  of  any  use  to  anybody,  since  even  the  tribu- 
nician  office,  which  had  been  devised  for  the  restraint  of 
wrong-doers  and  the  protection  of  the  plebeians,  and  was 
sacred  and  inviolable,  now  committed  such  outrages  and 
suffered  such  indignities. 

(For  some  time  Marius  and  Sulla,  his  quaestor  in  the 
Jugurthine  War,  had  been  growing  jealous  of  each  other's 
influence.)  Strife  between  them  was  delayed  by  the  Social 
War  which  suddenly  burst  upon  the  state. 

This   war,   diversified   by   many   defeats    and   by   great 


Marius  in   Exile 


177 


changes  of  fortune,  took  from  Marius  as  much  reputation 
and  influence  as  it  gave  to  Sulla. 

At  length  the  Italians  yielded,  and  many  persons  at  Rome 
were  intriguing  for  the  command  in  the  war  with  Mithridates. 
.  .  .  Marius,  moved  by  boyish  emulation,  threw  off  his  old 
age  and  infirmities,  and  went  daily  to  the  Campus  Martius, 
where  he  took  his  exercises  with  the  young  men,  and 
showed  that  he  was  still  active  in  arms  and  sat  firm  in  all 
the  movements  of  horsemanship,  though  he  was  not  well- 
built  in  his  old  age,  but  very  fat  and  heavy. 

The  assembly  voted  the  command  to  Marius,  who  when 
ready  to  set  out,  sent  two  tribunes  to  receive  the  army  from 
Sulla.  But  Sulla,  after  encouraging  his  soldiers,  who  num- 
bered thirty-five  thousand  well  armed  men,  led  them  toward 
Rome.  These  troops  fell  upon  the  tribunes  whom  Marius 
had  sent,  and  murdered  them.  Marius,  on  his  part,  put  to 
death  many  of  the  friends  of  Sulla  in  Rome,  and  proclaimed 
freedom  to  the  slaves  if  they  would  join  him  ;  but  it  is  said 
that  three  only  accepted  the  offer.  As  Sulla  entered  the 
city,  Marius  made  a  feeble  resistance,  and  was  soon  com- 
pelled to  flee. 

Instructions  had  already  been  sent  to  every  city,  requiring 
the  authorities  to  search  for  the  fugitive  and  put  him  to 
death  when  he  should  be  found. 

Marius  escaped,  however,  and  without  a  companion  or 
servant  fled  to  Minturnse.  While  he  was  resting  there  in  a 
secluded  house,  the  magistrates  of  the  city,  whose  fears 
were  excited  by  the  proclamation  of  the  Roman  people,  but 
who  hesitated  to  be  the  murderers  of  a  man  who  had  been 
six  times  consul  and  had  performed  so  many  brilliant  ex- 
ploits, sent  a  Gaul  to  kill  him  with  a  sword.  The  story  is 
that  as  the  Gaul  was  approaching  the  pallet  of  Marius  in 
the  dusk,  he  thought  he  saw  the  gleam  and  flash  of  fire 
darting  from  the  eyes  of  a  hidden  man,  and  that  Marius  rose 
from  his  bed  and  in  a  thundering  voice  shouted  to  him, 
"  Dare  you  kill  Gaius  Marius?  " 


Plutarch, 
Marius,  33. 
90-88  B.C. 

lb.  34- 

(For  causes 
of  Social 
War,  see 
Rome,Y>.  166; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  357.) 


Flight  of 
Marius, 
88  B.C. 

(The  senate 
had  already 
given  the 
command  to 
Sulla.) 

Plutarch, 
Marius,  35. 


lb. 


"  I  cannot 
kill  Gaius 
Marius!  " 

Appian,  Civil 
Wars,  i.  61. 


i78 


The  Revolution 


u  On  the 
ruins  of 
Carthage." 

Plutarch, 
Marius,  40. 


Marius  and 
Cinna,  87  B.C. 

Plutarch, 
Marius,  41. 


The  Gaul  turned  and  fled  out  of  doors  like  a  madman, 
exclaiming,  "  I  cannot  kill  Gaius  Marius  !  "  As  the  magis- 
trates had  come  to  their  previous  decision  with  reluctance, 
so  now  a  kind  of  religious  awe  came  over  them,  for  they 
remembered  the  prophecy  given  him  while  he  was  a  boy, 
that  he  should  be  consul  seven  times. 

'  At  this  time  the  governor  of  Libya  was  Sextilius,  a  Roman 
who  had  received  neither  favor  nor  injury  from  Marius.  It 
was  expected  therefore  that  the  governor  would  help  him, 
at  least  as  far  as  feelings  of  pity  move  a  man.  But  no 
sooner  had  Marius  landed  with  a  few  of  his  party  than  an 
officer  met  him,  and  standing  right  in  front  of  him  said  : 

"  The  governor  Sextilius  forbids  you,  Marius,  to  set  foot 
on  Libya,  and  he  says  that  if  you  do,  he  will  support  the 
decree  of  the  senate  by  treating  you  as  an  enemy." 

When  Marius  heard  this  command,  grief  and  indignation 
deprived  him  of  the  power  of  speech.  He  remained  silent 
a  long  time,  looking  fixedly  at  the  officer.  As  the  latter 
asked  him  what  he  had  to  say  —  what  reply  he  had  for  the 
governor  —  he  answered  with  a  deep  groan  : 

"  Tell  him  you  have  seen  Gaius  Marius,  a  fugitive,  sitting 
on  the  ruins  of  Carthage." 

News  reached  Rome  that  Sulla  was  fighting  with  the  gen- 
erals of  Mithridates  in  Bceotia,  while  at  home  the  consuls 
(Octavius  and  Cinna)  were  quarrelling  and  taking  arms 
against  each  other.  They  fought  a  battle,  in  which  Octavius 
gained  the  victory  and  ejected  Cinna,  who  was  attempting 
to  govern  by  violent  means.  '  Octavius  put  Cornelius  Merula 
into  the  vacant  consulship ;  but  Cinna  collected  troops  in 
Italy  and  made  war  against  his  enemy  in  the  city.  Hearing 
of  this  contest,  Marius  determined  to  set  sail  immediately. 
He  took  with  him  some  Moorish  cavalry  from  Africa  as  well 
as  a  few  Italians  who  had  fled  thither — in  all  not  more  than 
a  thousand.  .  .  . 

Within  a  few  days  (after  landing  in  Etruria)  he  had  col- 
lected a  considerable  army  and  had  manned  forty  ships.  .  .  . 


Massacre  of  the  Aristocrats         179 

Sending  a  messenger  to  Cinna,  he  offered  to  obey  him  as 
consul  in  everything.  Cinna  accepted  the  proposal,  and 
naming  his  helper  proconsul,  sent  him  fasces  and  other 
tokens  of  the  office. 

Marius  saw,  however,  that  such  trappings  were  not  suited 
to  his  fortunes ;  for  he  was  clad  in  a  mean  dress,  and  his 
hair  remained  uncut  from  the  day  he  had  gone  into  exile, 
and  he  was  now  above  seventy  years  of  age.  He  advanced 
accordingly  with  slow  steps,  wishing  to  make  himself  an 
object  of  pity ;  but  in  his  abject  mien  was  more  than  his 
usual  terrific  expression,  and  through  his  downcast  looks  he 
showed  that  his  passion,  so  far  from  being  humbled,  was 
infuriated  by  his  misfortunes. 

While  matters  were  in  this  condition,  the  senate  met,  and  A  reign  of 
sent  deputies  to  Cinna  and  Marius  to  invite  them  into  the  terror- 
city,  and  to  entreat  them  to  spare  the  citizens.     Cinna,  as   ^^^'43- 
consul,  sitting  on  his   official   chair  gave   audience   to   the 
messengers  and  returned  a  kind  answer.     Marius  stood  by 
the  consul's  chair  without  saying  a  word,  but  indicating  by 
the  unchanging  heaviness  of  his  brow  and  his  gloomy  look 
that  he  intended  to  fill  Rome  with  slaughter. 

Cinna  and  Marius  entered  the  city,  accordingly,  and  every-  Appian, 
body  received  them  with  fear.     Straightway  they  began  with-    *£*}  ™ars> 
out  restraint  to  plunder  those  who  were  supposed  to  be  of 
the  opposite  party. 

The  factions,  too,  committed  much  private  and  irresponsi-  jb.  i.  73. 
ble  murder.  The  democrats  banished  opponents,  confiscated 
property,  deposed  many  from  office,  and  repealed  the  laws 
enacted  under  Sulla's  consulship.  They  put  to  death  all  of 
Sulla's  friends,  razed  his  house  to  the  ground,  confiscated 
his  property,  and  voted  him  a  public  enemy.  They  searched 
for  his  wife  and  children,  who  however  escaped.  Altogether 
no  calamity  was  wanting,  either  general  or  particular. 

Meantime,  as  if  the  wind  were  beginning  to  turn,  reports  The  last 
reached  Rome  from  all  quarters  that  Sulla  had  finished  the  Darius, 
war  with  Mithridates,  had  recovered  the  provinces,  and  was 


i8o 


The  Revolution 


Plutarch, 
Marius,  45. 


His  death. 


(The  first  to 
gain  nobility 
of  rank.) 


Plutarch, 
Marius,  46. 


sailing  home  with  a  large  force.  This  news  brought  a  brief 
pause  to  the  unspeakable  misfortunes  of  the  city,  for  Marius 
and  his  faction  expected  their  enemies  to  arrive  forth- 
with. .  .  . 

But  Marius  was  now  worn  out  with  labor,  and  as  it  were, 
drowned  with  cares  and  cowed  in  spirit.  The  experience  of 
past  dangers  and  toil  made  him  tremble  at  the  thought  of  a 
new  war  and  fresh  struggles,  and  he  could  not  sustain  him- 
self when  he  reflected  that  he  should  now  be  compelled  to 
hazard  a  contest,  not  with  Octavius  or  Merula  at  the  head 
of  a  tumultuous  crowd  and  seditious  rabble,  but  with 
Sulla,  the  man  who  had  once  driven  him  from  Rome,  and 
had  now  confined  Mithridates  within  the  limits  of  his  king- 
dom of  Pontus.  Such  thoughts  overpowered  his  mind. 
Reflecting  too  upon  his  long  wanderings  and  escapes,  and 
upon  the  dangers  in  his  flight  by  land  and  sea,  he  fell  into  a 
state  of  deep  despair,  and  was  troubled  by  nightly  alarms 
and  terrific  dreams,  in  which  he  thought  he  heard  a  voice 
continually  calling  out  — 

Dreadful  is  the  Lion's  lair, 
Though  he  is  no  longer  there. 

As  he  greatly  dreaded  these  wakeful  nights,  he  gave  him- 
self up  to  drinking  at  unseasonable  hours,  and  to  a  degree 
unsuited  to  his  age,  in  order  to  procure  deep  sleep,  as  if  he 
could  thus  elude  his  cares.  .  .  . 

Though  he  had  lived  to  be  seventy  years  old,  and  was  the 
first  Roman  who  had  been  consul  seven  times,  and  who  had 
made  himself  a  family,  and  had  acquired  wealth  enough  for 
several  kings,  he  still  bewailed  his  fortune,  and  complained 
of  dying  before  he  had  attained  the  fulness  and  completion 
of  his  desires. 

After  holding  his  seventh  consulship  for  seventeen  days, 
he  died. 


ance  and 
character. 

Plutarch. 


A  Degenerate  Patrician  181 


Lucius  Cornelius  Sulla 

Lucius  Cornelius  Sulla  belonged  by  birth  to  the  patricians  Ancestry. 
.  .  .  Among  his  ancestors  is  numbered  Rufinus,  who  became  Plutarch, 
consul,  but  who  is  less  noted  for  this  honor  than  for  the  Sulla* lm 
infamy  which   befell  him.     Detected  in  the  possession  of 
above  ten  pounds  of  silver  plate,  —  which  amount  the  law 
did  not  permit,  —  he  was  ejected   from  the  senate.     His 
immediate  descendants  continued  in  a  mean  condition,  and 
Sulla  himself  was  brought  up  with  no  great  paternal  property. 

His  statue  gives  us  an  idea  of  his  appearance,  with  the  His  appear- 
exception  of  his  eyes  and  complexion.  His  eyes  were  an 
uncommonly  pure  and  piercing  blue,  which  his  color  ren- 
dered still  more  terrific,  for  his  face  was  spotted  with  rough  Sulla,  2. 
red  blotches  interspersed  with  white.  .  .  .  And  one  of  the 
Athenian  satirists  in  derision  made  the  following  verse  with 
reference  to  his  complexion  : 

Sulla  is  a  mulberry  besprinkled  with  meal. 

It  is  not  out  of  place  to  notice  such  traits  in  a  man 
who  is  said  to  have  had  so  strong  a  love  of  buffoonery 
that,  when  he  was  still  young  and  of  no  repute,  he  spent  his 
time  and  indulged  himself  among  coarse  actors  and  jesters ; 
and  when  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  state  he  daily  got  to- 
gether from  the  theatre  the  vilest  persons,  with  whom  he 
would  drink  and  contend  in  coarse  witticisms.  In  this 
recreation  he  showed  no  respect  for  his  age,  and  besides 
degrading  the  dignity  of  his  office,  he  neglected  many  mat- 
ters that  required  attention. 

He  looked  on  his  consulship  as  only  a  small  matter  com- 
pared with  what  he  expected  to  attain ;  the  great  object  of 
his  desires  was  the  command  in  the  war  against  Mithridates.   The  First 

Though  four  years  were  sufficient  to  defeat  Pyrrhus,  and   Mithridates, 
seventeen  to  conquer  Hannibal,  this  monarch  held  out  forty   88-84  b.c. 
years,  till,  subdued  in  three  great  wars,  he  was  by  the  good   Fiorus  Hi.  5. 


l82 


The   Revolution 


Rome,  p.  176 ; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  362. 


(Asia,  prov- 
ince of.) 


Sulla  con- 
ducts the 
war. 

(Attica  was 
the  home  of 
Demeter, 
goddess  of 
agriculture.) 

(In  fact 
Peiraeus  had 
but  one  wall.) 


fortune  of  Sulla,  the  bravery  of  Lucullus,  and  the  greatness 
of  Pompey,  brought  to  nothing. 

As  a  pretext  for  war,  he  alleged  to  our  ambassador  Cassius 
that  Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  was  wasting  his  borders. 
Moved  by  ambition,  however,  he  burned  with  a  desire  to 
grasp  all  Asia,  and  if  he  could,  all  Europe.  Our  vices  gave 
him  hope  and  confidence  ;  for  while  we  were  distracted  by 
civil  wars,  the  opportunity  of  assailing  us  tempted  him. 
Marius,  Sulla,  and  Sertorius  showed  him  from  a  distance 
that  the  empire  was  exposed  to  attack.  In  the  midst  of  the 
sufferings  and  disturbances  of  the  commonwealth,  therefore, 
the  tempest  of  the  Pontic  War,  seizing  its  opportunity, 
suddenly  descended  as  from  the  extreme  heights  of  the  north 
upon  a  people  wearied  and  preoccupied  with  other  matters. 
Its  first  eruption  at  once  snatched  Bithynia  from  us.  A 
similar  terror  next  fell  upon  Asia,  and  our  cities  and  people 
forthwith  revolted  to  the  king.  He  was  himself  active  and 
aggressive,  and  exercised  cruelty  as  if  he  thought  it  a  virtue. 
What  could  be  more  atrocious  than  one  of  his  edicts,  which 
ordered  all  citizens  of  Rome  who  were  in  Asia  to  be  put  to 
death?  Then  indeed  homes,  temples,  and  altars  and  all 
obligations,  human  and  divine,  were  violated. 

This  terror  in  Asia  opened  to  the  king  a  passage  into 
Europe.  Despatched  thither,  Archelaiis  and  Neoptolemus, 
two  of  his  generals,  seized  the  Cyclades,  Delos,  Euboea,  all 
the  islands,  —  except  Rhodes,  which  clung  to  us  more  firmly 
•than  ever,  —  and  Athens,  the  glory  of  Greece.  The  dread 
of  the  king  affected  even  Italy  and  the  city  of  Rome  itself. 

Lucius  Sulla,  therefore,  who  excelled  in  military  affairs, 
hastened  to  oppose  him,  and  repelled  as  with  a  push  of  the 
hand  the  enemy  who  was  advancing  with  equal  spirit. 
Athens,  the  mother  of  grain,  he  compelled  by  famine  and 
siege  to  eat  the  flesh  of  human  beings  — who  could  believe 
so  strange  a  tale  ?  Then  after  undermining  the  harbor  of 
the  Peiraeus,  with  its  six  walls  and  more,  and  after  reducing 
"the   most   ungrateful  of  men,"   as  he  himself  called  the 


Civil  War  and  Proscriptions        183 

Athenians,  he  spared  them  for  the  honor  of  their  de- 
ceased ancestors  and  for  the  sake  of  their  religion  and  fame. 
Next  driving  the  king's  garrisons  from  Euboea  and  Bceotia, 
he  dispersed  the  whole  of  the  royal  forces  in  one  battle  at 
Chseronea,  and  in  a  second  at  Orchomenus.  Crossing  into 
Asia  soon  afterward,  he  overthrew  the  monarch  himself. 
At  that  point  the  war  would  have  closed,  had  not  Sulla 
desired  to  triumph  over  Mithridates  hastily  rather  than 
completely. 

After  speedily  finishing  all  his  business  with  Mithridates,   Civil  war, 
Sulla   hastened   his  return  to  meet  his  enemies.  .  .  .     He  83~82  B,c* 
came  home  with  a  large,  well  disciplined  army,  devoted  to    cSJ'/a?Farj 
him   and   elated  by  his   exploits.     He   had  abundance  of  i-  76. 
ships,  money,  and  apparatus  suitable  for  all  emergencies,  and 
was  an  object  of  terror  to  his  enemies.     Carbo  and  Cinna  Rome,  p.  171. 
were  in  such  fear  of. him  that  they  despatched  emissaries  to 
all  parts  of  Italy  to  collect  money,  soldiers,  and  supplies. 

(In  two  years  of  civil  war  Sulla  destroyed  the  armies  of  Sulla's 
the  democratic  leaders  who  opposed  him,  and  then  entered  fions  "S"  b  c 
Rome  all-powerful.)     Now  he  began  to  make  blood  flow,   Piutarch 
and  he  filled  the  city  with  countless  deaths.     For   private   Sulla,  31. 
enmity  many  persons  were  murdered  who  never  had  any- 
thing to  do  with  Sulla,  but  he  consented  to  their  death  to 
please  his  partisans. 

At  last  a  young  man,  Gaius  Metellus,  had  the  boldness 
to  ask  Sulla  in  the  senate-house  when  there  would  be  an 
end  to  their  miseries,  and  how  far  he  would  proceed  before 
they  could  hope  to  see  their  misfortunes  cease. 

"  We  are  not  deprecating  your  vengeance  against  those 
whom  you  have  determined  to  put  out  of  the  way,"  he  said, 
"  but  we  entreat  you  to  relieve  of  uncertainty  those  whom 
you  have  determined  to  spare." 

Sulla  replied, 

"  I  have  not  yet  determined  whom  I  will  spare." 

"  Tell  us  then,"  Metellus  said,  "  whom  you  intend  to 
punish." 


184  The  Revolution 

Sulla  promised  to  do  so.  Some  say  it  was  not  Metellus 
but  Afidius,  one  of  Sulla's  flatterers,  who  made  use  of  the  last 
expression.  Without  communicating  with  any  magistrate, 
Sulla  immediately  proscribed  eighty  persons.  As  this  act 
caused  a  general  murmur,  he  let  one  day  pass,  and  then 
proscribed  two  hundred  and  twenty  more,  and  again  on  the 
third  day  as  many.  In  an  address  to  the  people  he  said, 
with  reference  to  these  measures,  that  he  had  proscribed  all 
he  could  think  of,  and  as  to  those  who  now  escaped  his 
memory,  he  would  proscribe  them  at  some  future  time. 

It  was  a  part  of  the  proscription  that  every  man  who  re- 
ceived and  protected  a  proscribed  person  should  be  put  to 
death  for  his  humanity,  and  there  was  no  exception  for 
brothers,  children,  or  parents.  The  reward  for  killing  a 
proscribed  person  was  two  talents,  whether  it  was  a  slave 
who  killed  his  master  or  a  son  who  killed  his  father.  But 
what  was  considered  most  unjust  of  all,  he  affixed  infamy  on 
the  sons  and  grandsons  of  all  the  proscribed,  and  confiscated 
their  property. 
Greed  the  The   proscriptions  were   not  confined  to  Rome  but  ex- 

motive.  tended  to  every  city  in  Italy.    Neither  temple  nor  hospitable 

hearth  nor  father's  house  was  free  from  murder ;  but  hus- 
bands were  butchered  in  the  arms  of  their  wives,  and  chil- 
dren in  the  embrace  of  their  mothers.  The  number  of 
those  who  were  massacred  through  revenge  and  hatred  was 
nothing  compared  with  those  who  were  murdered  for  their 
property.  It  occurred  even  to  the  assassins  to  notice  that 
the  ruin  of  such  a  one  was  due  to  his  large  house,  another 
man  owed  his  death  to  his  orchard,  and  another  again  to 
his  warm  baths.  Quintus  Aurelius,  who  never  meddled  with 
public  affairs,  and  who  was  no  further  concerned  about  all 
these  calamities  except  so  far  as  he  sympathized  with  the 
sufferings  of  others,  happened  to  come  to  the  Forum,  and 
there  he  read  the  names  of  the  proscribed.  Finding  his 
own  name  among  them,  he  exclaimed,  "  Alas,  wretch  that  I 
am :  my  farm  at  Alba  is  my  persecutor !  "     He  had  not 


The  Dictatorship  Revived  185 

gone  far  before  he  was  murdered  by  some  one  who  was  in 
search  of  him. 

Meanwhile  Marius  (adopted  son  of  the  great  Marius,  and   Sulla  at 
a  democratic  general  in  the  civil  war,)  killed  himself  to  Praeneste- 
avoid  being   taken.     Sulla  then  went  to  Praeneste  (which  Sj/S^ 
Marius  had  held)  and  there  began  to  examine  the  case  of 
each  individual  before  punishing   him ;    but   lacking  time 
for  this  inquiry,  he  had  all  the  people  brought  to  one  spot 
to  the  number  of  twelve  thousand,  and  ordered  them  to  be 
massacred,  with  the  exception  of  one  man,  an  old   friend 
of  his,  whom  he  offered  to  pardon.     But  the  man  nobly 
declared  he  would  never  owe  his  safety  to  the  destroyer  of 
his  country  j  and  mingling  with  the  rest  of  the  citizens,  he 
was  cut  down  together  with  them. 

Besides  the  massacres,  other  things  caused  dissatisfaction.   His  dictator- 
Sulla  had  himself  proclaimed  dictator,  and  thus  revived  this  |hcip'  82_79 
office  after  an  interval  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  years.  Plutarch, 

Twenty-four  axes  were  carried  in  front  of  him,  as  was  Sulla>33- 
customary  with   dictators  —  the    same   number  which  was  .His. 
borne  before  the  ancient  kings ;  and  he  had  besides  a  large         . 
body-guard.     He  repealed   laws  and  enacted  others.     He    civil  Wars, 
forbade  any  one  to  hold  the  office  of  praetor  till  after  he  u  10°' 
had  held  that  of  quaestor,  or   to   be  consul  before  he  had 
been  praetor,  and  he  prohibited  any  man  from  holding  the 
same  office  a  second  time  till  after  the  lapse  of  ten  years. 
He  reduced  the  tribunician  power  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
seemed  to  be  destroyed.     He  curtailed  it  by  a  law  which 
provided  that  one  holding  the  office  of  tribune  should  never 
afterward  hold  any  other  office.     For  this  reason  all  men  of 
reputation  or  family,  who  formerly  contended  for  the  office, 
shunned  it  thereafter.  .  .  . 

To  the  senate  itself,  which  had  been  much  thinned  by  The  senate, 

seditions  and  wars,  he  added  about  three  hundred  members  *he  plebfL. 
r  z-ii-i  1.  /.1  ians,andthe 

trom  the  best  of  the  knights,  taking  the  vote  of  the  tribes   soldiers. 

for  each  one.     To  the  plebeians  he  added  more  than  ten 

thousand  slaves  of  proscribed  persons,  choosing  the  youngest 


i86 


The  Revolution 


Sulla's 
abdication. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
i.  103  f. 


His  funeral. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
i.  105. 


and  strongest,  to  whom  he  gave  freedom  and  Roman  citizen- 
ship, and  he  called  them  Cornelii  after  himself.  In  this 
way  he  made  sure  of  having  ten  thousand  men  among  the 
plebeians  always  ready  to  obey  his  commands.  In  order  to 
provide  the  same  kind  of  safeguard  throughout  Italy,  he 
distributed  among  the  soldiers  of  the  twenty-three  legions, 
which  had  served  under  him,  a  great  deal  of  land.  This 
property  lay  in  various  communities ;  some  of  it  was  public 
and  some  taken  from  the  communities  by  way  of  fine. 

Sulla  voluntarily  laid  down  the  supreme  power.  ...  He 
seems  to  me  to  have  been  the  same  masterful  and  able  man 
in  all  respects,  whether  striving  to  reach  supreme  power 
from  private  life,  or  changing  back  to  private  life  from 
supreme  power,  or  later  when  passing  his  time  in  rural 
solitude ;  for  he  retired  to  his  own  estate  at  Cumae  in  Italy, 
and  there  occupied  his  leisure  in  hunting  and  fishing.  He 
did  this  not  because  he  was  afraid  to  live  a  private  life  in 
the  city,  nor  because  he  had  not  sufficient  bodily  strength 
for  whatever  he  might  try  to  do.  He  was  still  of  virile  age 
and  sound  constitution,  and  there  were  a  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  men  throughout  Italy  who  had  recently 
served  under  him  in  war  and  had  received  large  gifts  of 
money  and  land  from  him,  and  there  were  the  ten  thousand 
Cornelii  ready  in  the  city,  besides  other  people  of  his  party 
devoted  to  him  and  still  formidable  to  his  opponents.  All 
these  people  rested  upon  Sulla's  safety  their  hopes  of  im- 
punity for  what  they  had  done  in  cooperation  with  him. 
But  I  think  he  was  satiated  with  war,  with  power,  with  city 
affairs,  and  that  he  took  to  rural  life  because  he  loved  it. 

(When  he  died  in  the  following  year)  his  corpse  was  borne 
through  Italy  on  a  golden  litter  with  royal  splendor.  Musi- 
cians and  horsemen  went  in  great  numbers  in  advance  and 
a  multitude  of  armed  men  followed  on  foot.  His  fellow- 
soldiers  flocked  from  all  directions  under  arms  to  join  the 
procession,  and  each  one  was  assigned  his  place  in  due 
order  as  he  came.     The  crowd  of  other  people  was  greater 


Sulla's  Funeral  187 

than  had  ever  before  been  collected.  The  standards  and 
fasces  which  Sulla  had  used  while  living  and  ruling  were 
carried  in  the  procession. 

When  the  remains  reached  the  city,  they  were  borne  Appian, 
through  the  streets  in  an  enormous  procession.  More  than  I(^  ars' 
two  thousand  golden  crowns,  made  in  haste,  were  carried 
in  it ;  they  were  the  gifts  of  cities,  and  of  the  legions  which 
he  had  commanded,  and  of  individual  friends.  It  would  be 
impossible  to  describe  all  the  splendid  things  contributed  to 
this  funeral.  From  fear  of  the  assembled  soldiery,  all  the 
priests  and  priestesses,  each  in  proper  costume,  escorted  the 
body.  The  entire  senate  and  the  whole  company  of  magis- 
trates attended  with  their  insignia  of  office.  A  multitude  of 
knights  with  their  peculiar  decorations  followed,  and  in  their 
turn,  all  the  legions  which  had  fought  under  him.  They 
eagerly  came  together,  all  hastening  to  join  in  the  task,  and 
carried  gilded  standards  and  silver-plated  shields,  such  as 
are  still  used  on  similar  occasions. 

There  was  a  countless  number  of  trumpeters  who  by  turns  lb.  106. 
played  the  most  mournful  dirges.  Loud  cries  were  raised, 
first  by  the  senate,  then  by  the  knights,  then  by  the  soldiers, 
and  finally  by  the  plebeians.  For  some  really  longed  for 
Sulla,  but  others  were  afraid  of  his  army  and  of  his  dead  body, 
as  they  had  been  of  himself  when  living.  As  they  looked 
at  the  spectacle  before  them  and  remembered  what  this  man 
had  accomplished,  they  were  amazed,  and  agreed  with  their 
opponents  that  he  had  been  most  beneficial  to  his  own  party 
and  most  formidable  to  themselves  even  in  death.  The 
corpse  was  shown  in  the  Forum  on  the  rostra,  where  public 
speeches  were  usually  made,  and  the  most  eloquent  of 
Romans  then  living  delivered  the  funeral  oration,  as  Sulla's 
son  Faustus  was  still  very  young.  Then  strong  men  of 
senatorial  rank  took  up  the  litter  and  carried  it  to  the 
Campus  Martius,  where  kings  only  were  buried,  and 
the  knights  and  the  army  coursed  around  the  funeral  pile. 
And  this  was  the  end  of  Sulla. 


1 88  The  Revolution 


STUDIES 

1.  Give  an  account  of  the  parents  of  the  Gracchi.  How  do  Tibe- 
rius and  Gaius  Gracchus  compare  with  Scipio  ^Emilianus  ? 

2.  How  did  the  Romans  dispose  of  acquired  land  (cf.  ch.  ii)? 
What  resulted  from  these  arrangements  ? 

3.  What  were  the  provisions  of  the  agrarian  law  of  Tiberius  ?  What 
was  his  aim  ?     Who  opposed  and  who  supported  him,  and  why  ? 

4.  Was  the  deposition  of  Octavius  justifiable  ? 

5.  Why  did  Tiberius  wish  a  second  term  ?  How  was  he  killed  ? 
Was  the  conduct  of  the  senators  right  and  prudent  ?  How  far  did 
they  make  themselves  responsible  for  the  violence  and  civil  war  of  the 
next  hundred  years  ? 

6.  Describe  the  administration  and  character  of  Gaius  Gracchus. 
Compare  him  with  his  brother.  Should  we  call  them  statesmen  or 
demagogues  ? 

7.  Write  a  biography  of  Marius  including  a  description  of  his  char- 
acter.    Was  he  more  cruel  than  other  men  of  his  time  ? 

8.  From  the  senate's  treatment  of  the  Gracchi,  as  well  as  from  its 
conduct  of  the  Jugurthine  War,  what  may  we  infer  as  to  its  character 
and  ability  ?  Had  Sulla  any  real  ground  for  believing  that  his  laws 
would  maintain  it  long  in  power  ? 

9.  Did  Marius  or  Sulla  have  the  better  constitutional  right  to  the 
command  against  Mithridates  ? 

10.  Did  Cinna  as  consul  have  a  right  to  appoint  proconsuls  ? 

11.  Write  a  biography  of  Sulla,  including  an  estimate  of  his  char- 
acter. Were  his  proscriptions  wise  and  statesmanlike  ?  In  what  way, 
if  in  any,  did  he  benefit  Rome  ?  What  light  does  the  account  of  his 
funeral  throw  on  Roman  character  ? 


CHAPTER    VIII 

The  Revolution —  (2)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and 
Octavius 

Third  Period  of  the  Republic  —  Second  Epoch 
(79-27  B.C.) 

POMPEY 

(Among  the  rising  officers  of  the  army  Gnaeus  Pompey  Gnaeus 
was  most  fitted  to  be  the  heir  of  Sulla's  policy.)     Never  did   PomPey« 
the  Roman  people  give  to  any  other  man  so  strong  tokens  of  p^Zf1^ 
affection  as  to  Pompey,  or  at  so  early  an  age,  or  which  grew 
so  rapidly  with  the  good  fortune  of  the  receiver,  or  remained 
so  firm  in  his  misfortunes.      The  causes  of  their  affection 
were  many :  his  temperate  life,  his  skill  in  arms,  the  per- 
suasiveness of  his  speech,  the  integrity  of  his  character,  and 
his  affability  to  every  man  who  came  in  his  way,  so  that  there 
was  no  person  from  whom  one  could  ask  a  favor  with  so  little 
pain,  whose  requests  one  would  more  willingly  strive  to  sat- 
isfy.    In  addition  to  his  other  endearing  qualities,  Pompey 
could  do  a  kindness  without  seeming   to  do  it,  and  could 
receive  a  favor  with  dignity. 

At  first  his  face,  too,  contributed  greatly  to  win  the  good  His  appear- 
will  of  the  people,  and  to  secure  a  favorable  reception  be-  ance' 
fore  he  opened  his  mouth.     For  the  sweetness  of  his  expres-  p^pey,  2. 
sion  was  mingled  with  dignity  and  kindness ;  and  while  he 
was  yet  in  the  very  bloom  of  youth,  his  noble  and  kingly 
nature  clearly  showed  itself.     The  slight  falling  back  of  the 
hair  and  the  expression  of  the  eyes  caused  people  to  notice 
a  resemblance  to  the  portraits  of  Alexander,  though  in  fact 
the  likeness  was  more  talked  of  than  real. 

189 


190 


The  Revolution 


Plutarch, 
Pompey,  8. 


Under  Sulla.  (While  still  a  young  man  Pompey  raised  an  army  by  his 
own  means,  and  joined  Sulla  in  his  war  upon  the  democrats. 
He  then  went  to  Sicily  to  suppress  the  popular  party  in  that 
island,  and  soon  returned  victorious.) 

When  Sulla  saw  him  approaching,  and  near  him  his  army, 
admirable  for  the  brave  appearance  of  the  men  and  elated 
with  success,  he  dismounted  from  his  horse  to  meet  the 
young  man.  Addressed  according  to  custom  by  the  title 
Rome,  p.  192.  Imperator,  Sulla  addressed  Pompey  in  return  as  Imperator, 
though  nobody  could  have  expected  that  Sulla  would  give  a 
young  man,  who  was  not  yet  a  member  of  the  senate,  the 
title  for  which  he  was  himself  fighting  against  the  Scipios 
and  the  Marii.  In  fact  everything  accorded  with  this  first 
greeting;  for  Sulla  used  to  rise  from  his  seat  and  uncover  his 
head  as  Pompey  approached,  —  an  honor  he  would  show 
to  hardly  any  other  person,  though  there  were  many  distin- 
guished men  about  him. 

Pompey  was  not  made  vain  by  these  marks  of  distinction, 
however,  but  sent  forthwith  into  Gaul  by  Sulla he  per- 
formed noble  exploits.  .  .  .  Brilliant  as  they  were,  these 
deeds  were  buried  under  the  number  and  magnitude  of  his 
later  struggles  and  wars  ;  so  that  I  have  been  afraid  to  disturb 
them,  lest  if  we  should  dwell  too  long  on  his  first  achieve- 
ments, we  should  miss  the  more  important  acts  and  events, 
which  best  show  his  character. 

Of  the  Sullan  troubles  there  remained  the  war  with  Ser- 
torius,  which  had  been  going  on  for  eight  years,  and  which 
was  no  easy  war  for  Rome,  as  it  was  waged  not  merely 
against  Spaniards  but  against  the  Romans  and  Sertorius. 
He  had  been  chosen  governor  of  Spain  while  he  was  cooper- 
ating with  Carbo  against  Sulla,  and  after  taking  the  city  of 
Suessa  under  an  armistice,  he  fled  and  assumed  his  governor- 
ship. With  an  army  from  Italy  itself  and  another  raised 
from  the  Celtiberians,  he  drove  from  Spain  the  former 
governors,  who  to  favor  Sulla  refused  to  surrender  the  gov- 
ernment to  him.     He  fought  nobly,  too,  against  Metellus, 


Sertorius. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
i.  108. 


Spartacus  191 

whom  Sulla  had  sent  to  oppose  him.  After  acquiring  a 
reputation  for  bravery,  he  enrolled  a  council  of  three  hun- 
dred members  from  the  friends  who  were  with  him,  and 
called  it  the  Roman  senate  in  derision  of  the  real  one. 

After  the  death  of  Sulla,  and  later  of  Lepidus  (a  demo- 
cratic leader) ,  Sertorius  obtained  another  Italian  army  which 
Perpenna,  the  lieutenant  of  Lepidus,  brought  him.  It  was 
now  supposed  that  he  intended  to  march  against  Italy  itself, 
and  he  would  have  done  so,  had  not  the  senate  become  76  b.c. 
alarmed  and  sent  another  army  and  general  into  Spain  in 
addition  to  the  former  forces.  This  general  was  Pompey, 
who  was  still  a  young  man,  but  renowned  for  his  exploits 
under  Sulla.  (Sertorius  was  himself  unconquerable ;  but  72  b.c 
when  at  length  he  was  assassinated,  Perpenna,  his  faithless 
lieutenant,  easily  fell  a  prey  to  Pompey.) 

After  staying  long  enough  to  end  the  chief  disturbances,  The  Servile 
and  to  quiet  and  settle  the  most  dangerous  troubles,  Pompey  (0?Giadia- 
led  his  army  back  to  Italy,  where  he  chanced  to  arrive  at  the  toriai  War), 
time  the  Servile  War  was  at  its  height.  7    7 

Spartacus,  by  birth  a  Thracian,  who  had  once  served  as  a  pompey,  ax. 
soldier  with  the  Romans,  had  since  become  a  prisoner,  and  Appian, 
had  been  sold  for  a  gladiator.     While  he  was  in  the  gladia-   £***  Wars> 
toriai  training-school  at  Capua,  he  persuaded  about  seventy 
of  his  comrades  to  strike  for  their  own  freedom,  rather  than 
for  the  amusement  of  spectators.     They  overcame  the  guards 
and  ran  away.     Arming  themselves  with  clubs  and  daggers, 
which  they  took  from  people  on  the  roads,  they  sought  refuge 
on  Mount  Vesuvius.  .  .  .     Afterward  still  greater  throngs 
flocked  to  Spartacus,  till  his  army  numbered  seventy  thou- 
sand men.     For  them  he  manufactured  weapons  and  col- 
lected apparatus. 

This  war,  so  formidable  to  the  Romans,  had  now  lasted  lb.  i.  118. 
three  years.    When  the  election  of  praetors  came  on,  fear  fell 
upon  all,  and  nobody  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  until 
Licinius  Crassus,  a  man  distinguished  among  the  Romans 
for  birth  and  wealth,  assumed  the  praetorship,  and  marched 


192 


The  Revolution 


Appian,  Civil 
Wars,  i.  119. 


Plutarch, 
Pompey,  21. 


The  pirates. 
Florus  iii.  6. 


Plutarch, 
Pompey,  24. 


with  six  legions  against  Spartacus.  .  .  .  Presently  he  over- 
came ten  thousand  insurgents,  who  were  encamped  in  a 
detached  position,  and  killed  two-thirds  of  them. 

Believing  that  the  work  still  to  be  done  against  Spartacus 
was  great  and  severe,  the  government  ordered  up  as  a  re- 
enforcement  the  army  of  Pompey,  which  had  just  arrived 
from  Spain. 

This  was  the  reason  why  Crassus,  the  commander,  risked 
a  battle,  which  he  gained  with  the  slaughter  of  twelve  thou- 
sand three  hundred  of  the  enemy.  But  Fortune,  as  we  may 
say,  adopted  Pompey  into  this  success  also,  for  five  thousand 
men  who  escaped  from  the  battle  fell  in  his  way.  After  de- 
stroying all  of  them,  he  took  the  opportunity  of  writing  first 
to  the  senate  that  whereas  Crassus  had  conquered  the  glad- 
iators in  a  pitched  battle,  he  had  himself  pulled  up  the  war 
by  the  roots.  And  this  was  agreeable  for  the  Romans  to 
hear,  because  of  their  good  will  to  Pompey. 

Meantime,  while  the  Romans  were  engaged  in  different 
parts  of  the  world,  the  Cilicians  had  spread  themselves  over 
the  sea,  and  by  obstructing  commerce  and  by  breaking  the 
bonds  of  human  society,  had  made  the  sea  as  impassable 
through  piracy  as  it  would  have  been  rendered  by  a  tempest. 

And  now  men  who  were  powerful  in  wealth  and  of  distin- 
guished birth,  and  who  claimed  superior  education,  began 
to  embark  on  piratical  vessels  and  to  share  in  their  under- 
takings, as  if  the  occupation  were  reputable  and  an  object  of 
ambition.  In  many  places  were  piratical  posts  and  fortified 
beacons,  at  which  armaments  put  in.  For  this  peculiar  occu- 
pation swift  light  fleets  were  fitted  out  with  bold  vigorous 
crews  and  skilful  helmsmen.  More  annoying  than  their  for- 
midable appearance  was  their  arrogant  and  pompous  equip- 
ment with  golden  streamers  and  purple  sails  and  silvered 
oars,  as  if  they  rioted  in  their  evil  practices  and  prided 
themselves  on  them.  Their  playing  on  flutes  and  stringed 
instruments  and  their  drinking  along  the  whole  coast,  their 
seizure  of  persons  high  in  office,  and  their  holding  captured 


The  Pirates 


J93 


cities  for  ransom,  disgraced  the  Roman  supremacy.  The 
piratical  ships  had  now  increased  to  above  a  thousand,  and 
the  cities  seized  by  them  were  four  hundred. 

But  their  most  insulting  conduct  was  of  the  following  na- 
ture. Whenever  a  captive  called  out  that  he  was  a  Roman 
and  mentioned  his  name,  they  would  pretend  to  be  terrified, 
and  would  strike  their  thighs  and  fall  down  at  his  knees 
praying  him  to  pardon  them ;  and  their  captive  would  be- 
lieve all  this  to  be  real,  seeing  that  they  were  humble  and 
suppliant.  Then  some  would  put  Roman  shoes  on  his  feet, 
and  others  would  throw  over  him  a  toga,  pretending  it  was 
done  that  there  might  be  no  mistake  about  him  again. 
When  they  had  for  some  time  mocked  the  man  in  this  way, 
and  had  their  fill  of  amusement,  they  would  put  a  ladder 
down  into  the  sea,  and  bid  him  step  out  and  go  away  with 
their  best  wishes  for  a  good  journey ;  and  if  the  man  would 
not  go,  they  pushed  him  into  the  water. 

Pompey  directed  his  efforts   against   Cilicia,  the   source  Pompey 
and  origin  of  the  war.     Neither  did  the  enemy  shrink  from   Jhem^BC 
an  engagement  with  him  nor  lose  confidence  in  their  strength  ;    Florus  jjj  6> 
hard  pressed,  they  were  willing  to  dare.     They  did  no  more   Rome  p#I78- 
than  meet  the  first  onset,  however,  for  immediately  after-   Ancient  His- 
ward  when  they  saw  the  beaks  of  our  ships  encircling  them,    ory%  p" 3 
they  threw  down  their  weapons  and  oars,  and  with  a  great 
clapping  of  hands,  which  with  them  was  a  sign  of  supplica- 
tion, begged  for  quarter. 

Never  did  we  obtain  a  victory  with  so  little  bloodshed. 
Nor  was  any  nation  afterward  found  so  faithful  to  us, —  a 
state  of  things  secured  by  the  remarkable  prudence  of  the 
general,  who  removed  this  maritime  people  far  from  the  sight 
of  the  sea,  and  tied  them  down,  as  it  were,  to  the  inland 
parts  of  the  country.  Thus  he  recovered  the  free  use  of 
the  sea  for  ships,  and  at  the  same  time  restored  to  the  land 
its  own  inhabitants. 

In  this  victory  what  shall  we  most  admire  ?  Its  speed,  as 
it  was  gained  in  forty  days?     Its  good  fortune,  as  not  a 


i94 


The  Revolution 


single  ship  was  lost?     Or  its  durable  effect,  as  the  Cilicians 
in  consequence  were  never  afterward  pirates? 

Catiline  and  Cicero 


The 

Conspiracy 
of  Catiline, 
63  B.C. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.  2. 


At  this  time  Lucius  Catiline  was  a  person  of  importance, 
of  great  celebrity,  and  high  birth,  but  a  madman.  It  was 
believed  that  he  had  killed  his  own  son  because  of  his  own 
love  for  Aurelia  Orestilla,  who  was  not  willing  to  many  a  man 
who  had  a  son.  He  had  been  a  friend  and  zealous  partisan 
of  Sulla.  He  had  reduced  himself  to  poverty  in  order  to 
gratify  his  ambition,  but  still  he  was  courted  by  the  powerful, 
both  men  and  women,  and  he  became  a  candidate  for  the 
consulship  as  a  step  leading  to  absolute  power. 

He  confidently  expected  to  be  elected,  but  the  suspicion 
of  his  ulterior  designs  defeated  him ;  and  Cicero,  the  most 
eloquent  orator  and  rhetorician  of  the  period,  was  chosen 
instead.  Catiline,  by  way  of  raillery  and  contempt  for  those 
who  voted  for  Cicero,  called  him  a  "  New  Man  "  on  account 
of  his  obscure  birth  —  for  so  they  called  those  who  achieved 
distinction  by  their  own  merits  and  not  by  those  of  their 
ancestors  ;  and  because  he  was  not  born  in  the  city,  Catiline 
called  him  a  lodger,  by  which  term  they  designate  those  who 
occupy  houses  belonging  to  others. 
His  methods.  From  this  time  Catiline  abstained  wholly  from  politics  as 
not  leading  quickly  and  surely  to  absolute  power,  but  as  full 
of  the  spirit  of  contention  and  malice.  He  procured  much 
money  from  many  women,  who  hoped  that  their  husbands 
would  be  killed  in  the  uprising  ;  and  he  formed  a  conspiracy 
with  a  number  of  senators  and  knights,  and  collected  to- 
gether a  body  of  plebeians,  foreign  residents,  and  slaves. 
His  leading  fellow-conspirators  were  Cornelius  Lentulus  and 
Cethegus,  who  were  then  the  city  praetors.  He  sent  agents 
throughout  Italy  to  those  of  Sulla's  soldiers  who  had  squan- 
dered the  gains  of  their  former  life  of  plunder,  and  who 
longed  for  a  renewal  of  violence.     For  this  purpose  he  sent 


A   Conspirator  195 

Gaius  Manlius  to  Fsesula  in  Etruria,  and  others  to  Picenum 
and  Apulia,  who  enlisted  soldiers  for  him  secretly. 

All  these  facts,  while  they  were  still  secret,  were  commu-   The 
nicated  to  Cicero  by  Fulvia,  a  woman  of  quality.    Her  lover,   divuFgedCy 
Quintus  Curius,  who  had  been  expelled  from  the  senate  for  A    ian 
immorality,  and  was  one  of  the  conspirators,  told  her  in  a    Civil  Wars, 
vain  and  boastful  way  that  he  would  soon  be  in  a  position  of       3' 
great  power.     And  now  a  rumor  of  what  was  transpiring  in 
Italy  was  noised  about.    Accordingly  Cicero  stationed  guards 
at  intervals  throughout  the  city,  and  sent  many  of  the  nobility 
to  the  suspected  places  to  watch  what  was  going  on. 

(Catiline  had  the  boldness  to  take  his  usual  place  in  the  Cicero 
senate,  whereupon  Cicero  delivered  against  him  a  terrible  catSine?8 
invective.    Some  extracts  from  this  speech  are  given  below.)    Cicero> 

How  long,  Catiline,  will  you  abuse  our  patience?  How  Against  Cati- 
long  will  your  frantic  rage  baffle  the  efforts  of  justice?  To  me'1' 
what  height  do  you  mean  to  carry  your  daring  insolence? 
Are  you  not  daunted  by  the  nightly  watch  posted  to  secure 
the  Palatine  Hill?  or  by  the  city  guards?  or  by  the  fear  of 
the  people?  or  by  the  union  of  all  the  wise  and  worthy 
citizens?  or  by  the  senate's  assembling  in  this  place  of 
strength?  or  by  the  looks  and  faces  of  all  here  present? 
Do  you  not  see  that  all  your  designs  are  brought  to  light? 
that  the  senators  are  thoroughly  informed  of  your  conspiracy? 
that  they  are  acquainted  with  what  you  did  last  night  and 
the  night  before,  your  place  of  meeting,  the  company  you 
summoned,  and  the  measures  you  concerted?  Alas  for  our 
degeneracy  !  alas  for  the  depravity  of  the  times ;  the  senate 
is  informed  of  this  whole  plot,  the  consul  sees  it,  yet  the 
traitor  lives.  Lives,  did  I  say?  He  even  comes  into  the 
senate ;  he  shares  in  the  public  deliberations ;  he  marks 
us  out  with  his  eye  for  destruction.  We,  bold  in  our 
country's  cause,  think  we  have  sufficiently  done  our  duty  to 
the  state,  if  we  can  but  escape  his  rage  and  deadly  darts. 
Long  ago,  Catiline,  ought  the  consul  to  have  ordered 
your   execution,    and    to    have    directed    upon    your    own 


96 


The  Revolution 


head  the  ruin  you  have  long  been  meditating  against  us 
all.  .  .  . 
All  hate  For  my  part,  were  my  slaves  to  discover  such  a  dread  of 

me  as  your  fellow-citizens  express  of  you,  I  should  think  it 
necessary  to  abandon  my  own  house ;  and  do  you  hesitate 
to  leave  the  city  ?  Were  I  even  wrongfully  suspected,  and 
thereby  rendered  obnoxious  to  my  countrymen,  I  would 
sooner  withdraw  myself  from  public  view  than  be  beheld  with 
looks  full  of  reproach  and  indignation.  And  do  you,  whose 
conscience  tells  you  that  you  are  the  object  of  a  universal, 
just,  and  long-merited  hatred,  delay  a  moment  to  escape  from 
the  looks  and  presence  of  a  people  whose  eyes  and  senses 
can  no  longer  endure  you  among  them  ?  Should  your  parents 
dread  and  hate  you,  and  resist  all  your  efforts  to  appease 
them,  you  would  doubtless  withdraw  from  their  sight. 
His  country  But  now  your  country,  the  common  parent  of  us  all,  hates 
him.  S  W1  anc*  dreads  you,  and  has  long  regarded  you  as  a  parricide, 
intent  on  the  purpose  of  destroying  her.  And  will  you 
neither  respect  her  authority,  submit  to  her  advice,  nor 
stand  in  awe  of  her  power?  Thus  does  she  reason  with 
you,  Catiline ;  thus  does  she,  though  silent,  in  some  man- 
ner address  you :  "  Not  an  enormity  has  happened  these 
many  years  but  has  had  you  for  its  author ;  not  a  crime  has 
been  perpetrated  without  you.  The  murder  of  so  many 
of  our  citizens,  the  oppression  and  the  plunder  of  our  allies 
has  through  you  alone  escaped  punishment,  though  carried 
on  with  unrestrained  violence.  You  have  found  means  not 
only  to  trample  on  law  and  justice  but  even  to  subvert  and 
destroy  them.  Though  this  past  behavior  of  yours  was 
beyond  all  patience,  yet  I  have  borne  with  it  as  I  could ; 
but  now  to  be  in  continual  fear  of  you  alone,  on  every  alarm 
to  tremble  at  the  name  of  Catiline,  to  see  no  plots  formed 
against  me  which  speak  not  of  you  as  their  author,  is  alto- 
gether insupportable.  Begone,  then,  and  rid  me  of  my 
present  terror;  that  if  just,  I  may  avoid  ruin;  if  groundless, 
I  may  at  length  cease  to  fear  !  .  .  ." 


A   Patriot's  Prayer  197 

It  is  now  a  long  time,  senators,  that  we  have  trod  amid  All  traitors 
the  dangers  and  machinations  of  this  conspiracy ;  but  I  know  thedty6*™ 
not  how  it  comes  to  pass,  that  the  full  maturity  of  all  those 
crimes,  and  of  this  long-ripening  rage  and  insolence,  has 
now  broken  out  in  the  period  of  my  consulship.  Should 
he  alone  be  removed  from  this  powerful  band  of  traitors, 
it  may  abate  perhaps  our  fears  and  anxieties  for  a  while, 
but  the  danger  will  still  remain,  and  continue  lurking  in  the 
veins  and  vitals  of  the  republic.  .  .  .  Wherefore,  senators, 
let  the  wicked  retire;  let  them  separate  themselves  from 
the  honest ;  let  them  gather  in  one  place.  As  I  have  often 
said,  let  a  wall  be  between  them  and  us.  Let  them  cease 
to  lay  snares  for  the  consul  in  his  own  house,  to  beset  the 
tribunal  of  the  city  praetor,  to  invest  the  senate-house  with 
armed  ruffians,  and  prepare  fire-balls  and  torches  for  burn- 
ing the  city.  In  brief,  let  every  man's  sentiments  regarding 
the  republic  be  inscribed  on  his  forehead. 

This  I  engage  for  and  promise,  senators,  that  by  the  May  Jupiter 
diligence  of  the  consuls,  the  weight  of  your  authority,  the  Itat^and 
courage  and  firmness  of  the  Roman  knights,  and  the  una-  destroy  its 
nimity  of  all  who  are  honest,  Catiline  shall  be  driven  forth 
from  the  city,  and  you  shall  behold  all  his  treasons  detected, 
exposed,  crushed,  and  punished.  With  these  omens  of  all 
prosperity  to  the  republic  but  of  destruction  to  yourself, 
Catiline,  and  to  those  who  have  joined  themselves  with  you 
in  all  kinds  of  parricide,  go  your  way  to  this  impious  and 
abominable  war.  And  do  thou,  Jupiter,  whose  religion  was 
established  with  the  foundation  of  this  city  —  thou  whom 
we  truly  call  the  Stayer,  the  support  and  prop  of  this  empire 
—  drive  this  man  and  his  associates  from  thy  altars  and 
temples,  from  the  houses  and  walls  of  the  city,  from  the 
lives  and  fortunes  of  us  all ;  and  destroy  with  eternal 
punishments,  in  life  and  death,  all  the  haters  of  good 
men,  all  the  enemies  of  their  country,  all  the  plunderers 
of  Italy,  now  joined  in  this  detestable  league  and  partnership 
of  villainy  ! 


198 


The  Revolution 


The 

"  Father 
of  his 
Country." 


Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.7. 


P.  I5S. 


(The  traitor  fled  from  Rome,  and  was  soon  afterward 
defeated  and  killed  in  battle.  Meantime  Cicero  had  arrested 
and  put  to  death  some  chiefs  of  the  conspiracy  who  remained 
in  the  city.) 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  uprising  of  Catiline,  which 
brought  the  city  into  extreme  peril.  Cicero,  who  had 
hitherto  been  distinguished  only  for  eloquence,  was  now 
in  everybody's  mouth  as  a  man  of  action,  and  was  con- 
sidered unquestionably  the  saviour  of  his  country  on  the  eve 
of  its  destruction.  For  this  reason  the  thanks  of  the  assem- 
bly were  bestowed  upon  him  amid  general  acclamations. 
At  the  instance  of  Cato  the  people  saluted  him  Father  of 
his  Country. 

(For  some  years  after  these  events  the  interest  in  Roman 
history  centres  chiefly  in  Caesar.) 


STUDIES 

1.  Why  did  the  Romans  love  Pompey  ?  To  what  political  party 
did  he  belong  ?     Was  he  or  Sertorius  the  greater  general  ? 

2.  Give  an  account  of  the  Servile  War  (or  war  with  Spartacus). 
Who  deserves  the  chief  credit  for  ending  it  ? 

3.  Describe  the  pirates  and  their  doings.  What  must  have  been 
the  condition  of  the  Roman  government  which  allowed  them  to  grow 
so  dangerous  ?     How  did  Pompey  break  their  power  ? 

4.  Give  an  account  of  Catiline's  conspiracy.  Describe  his  character. 
Who  discovered  and  crushed  the  conspiracy  ?  What  are  the  points 
made  by  Cicero  in  the  speech  partly  quoted  ?  What  reward  did  Cicero 
receive  for  his  patriotic  energy  ? 


CHAPTER  VIII   {continued) 

The  Revolution —  (2)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and 
Octavius 

(79-27    B.C.) 
CESAR 

Gaius  Julius  Caesar  was  born  of  the  most  noble,  and  as  Birth  and 
all  writers  admit,  most  ancient  family  of  the  Julii,  which  character« 
derived  its  origin  from  Anchises  and  Venus.  In  personal  vieIlelus  "• 
beauty  he  was  the  first  of  all  his  countrymen,  in  vigor  of 
mind  indefatigable,  liberal  to  excess,  in  spirit  elevated  above 
the  nature  and  conception  of  man.  In  the  grandeur  of 
his  designs,  in  the  celebrity  of  his  military  operations, 
and  in  the  cheerful  facing  of  dangers,  he  exactly  resembled 
Alexander  the  Great  when  sober  and  free  from  passion. 
He  was  closely  connected  in  kinship  with  Gaius  Marius  and 
a  son-in-law  of  Cinna.  For  these  reasons,  though  he  was 
only  about  nineteen  years  old  when  Sulla  assumed  the 
government,  the  ministers  and  creatures  of  Sulla  —  more 
than  the  dictator  himself —  searched  for  Caesar  to  kill  him, 
whereupon  he  changed  his  clothes  ;  and  putting  on  a  dress 
far  inferior  to  his  rank,  he  escaped  from  the  country  in  the 
night.  Afterward  while  he  was  still  very  young,  he  was 
captured  by  pirates. 

The  pirates  asked  Caesar  twenty  talents  as  a  ransom,  but  Among  the 
he  laughed  at  them  for  not  knowing  who  their  prize  was,   pira  es' 
and  promised  them  fifty  talents.     While  he  despatched  his    ccesar%[ 
attendants  to  various  cities  to  raise  the  money,  he  was  left 

199 


200 


The  Revolution 


with  one  friend  and  two  servants  among  the  Cilician  pirates, 
who  were  notorious  for  their  cruelty.  He  treated  them, 
however,  with  such  contempt  that  whenever  he  was  lying 
down  to  rest,  he  would  send  them  his  command  to  be  quiet. 
He  spent  thirty-eight  days  among  them,  not  so  much  like  a 
prisoner  as  a  prince  surrounded  by  his  guards,  and  he  joined 
in  their  sports  and  exercises  with  perfect  unconcern.  He 
also  wrote  poems  and  some  speeches,  which  he  read  to 
them,  and  those  who  did  not  approve  of  his  compositions 
he  would  call  to  their  faces  ignorant  fellows  and  barbarians, 
and  he  often  told  them  with  a  laugh  that  he  would  hang 
them  all. 

The  pirates  were  pleased  with  his  manners,  and  attributed 
this  freedom  of  speech  to  simplicity  and  a  mirthful  disposi- 
tion. As  soon  as  the  ransom  came  from  Miletus,  and 
Caesar  had  paid  it  and  was  set  at  liberty,  he  manned  some 
vessels  in  the  port  of  Miletus  and  went  after  the  pirates, 
whom  he  found  still  on  the  island.  Most  of  them  he 
captured. 

After  entering  upon  his  consulship,  he  introduced  a  new 
s  ip,  59  b-c.  i-gguiatio,^  tnat  the  daily  acts  of  the  senate  and  of  the  as- 
tK"1US'  semblies  should  be  committed  to  writing  and  published.  .  .  . 
Casar,  20.  When  he  presented  to  the  people  a  bill  for  the  division  of 

some  public  lands,  the  other  consul  opposed  him.  There- 
upon Caesar  violently  drove  his  colleague  from  the  Forum. 
Next  day  in  the  senate  the  insulted  consul  complained  of 
his  ill  treatment ;  but  no  one  had  the  courage  to  bring  the 
matter  forward  or  move  a  censure,  which  had  often  been 
done  in  the  case  of  less  important  outrages.  Caesar's  col- 
league was  so  much  dispirited,  therefore,  that  till  the  expi- 
ration of  his  office  he  never  stirred  from  home,  and  did 
nothing  but  issue  edicts  to  obstruct  the  other  consul's  pro- 
ceedings. 

From  that  time,  therefore,  Caesar  had  the  sole  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs  ;  so  that  some  wags,  when  they  signed 
any  document  as  witnesses,  did  not  add  "  in  the  consulship 


(Pharmacu- 
sa,  an  island 
near  Mile- 
tus.) 


His  consul- 


The  Greatness  of  Cassar  201 

of  Caesar  and  Bibulus,"  but  "  of  Julius  and  Cassar,"  putting 
the  same  person  down  twice  under  his  name  and  surname. 
The  following  verses,  too,  were  repeated  with  reference  to 
this  matter : 

Nothing  was  done  in  Bibulus'  year; 
No,  Gesar  only  was  consul  here. 

Such  was  the    course  of  Caesar's  life    before    his    Gallic  His 
campaigns.     But  the  period  of  the  wars  which  he  now  car-   X^aulf  58- 
ried  on,  and  of  the  expedition  by  which  he  subdued  Gaul,  50  b.c 
is  a  new  beginning  in  his  career  and  the  opening  of  a  new   Plutarch, 
course  of  life  and  action,  in  which  he  showed  himself  a  sol- 
dier and  a  general  inferior  to  none  who  have  gained  admira- 
tion as  leaders  of  men.     For  whether  we  compare  Caesar's 
exploits  with  those  of  the  Fabii,  the  Scipios,  and  the  Metelli, 
or  with  those  of  his  contemporaries  or  immediate  prede- 
cessors,—  Sulla  and  Marius  and  both  the  Luculli  or  even 
Pompey  himself,  whose   fame,  high   as    the   heavens,  was 
blossoming  at  that  time  in  every  kind  of  military  excellence, 
—  Cassar  will  be  found  to  surpass  them  all. 

His  superiority  over  one  appears  in  the  difficulties  of  the 
country  in  which  he  carried  on  his  campaigns,  over  another 
in  the  extent  of  country  subdued,  over  a  third  in  the  number 
and  courage  of  the  enemy  whom  he  defeated,  over  another 
again  in  the  savage  manners  and  treacherous  character  of 
the  nations  which  he  civilized,  over  a  fourth  in  clemency 
and  mildness  to  the  conquered,  over  another  again  in  his 
donations  and  liberality  to  his  soldiers ;  and  in  a  word,  his 
superiority  over  all  other  generals  appears  in  the  number  of 
battles  which  he  fought  and  of  enemies  whom  he  slew. 

For  in  somewhat  less  than  ten  years,  during  which  he 
carried  on  his  campaigns  in  Gaul,  he  took  by  storm  eight 
hundred  cities,  and  subdued  three  hundred  nations,  and 
fought  at  different  times  against  three  millions  of  men,  of 
whom  he  destroyed  one  million  in  battle  and  took  as  many 
prisoners. 


202 


The  Revolution 


Plutarch, 
Ccesar,  16. 


So  great  were  the  good  will  and  devotion  of  Caesar's 
soldiers  to  him  that  those  who,  under  other  generals,  were 
in  no  way  superior  to  ordinary  soldiers  were,  under  Caesar, 
irresistible  and  ready  to  meet  any  danger  for  their  com- 
mander's glory. 


Description 
of  Gaul. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
i.  i. 


The  factions 
of  the  Gauls. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  ii. 


Gaul  as  a  whole  is  divided  into  three  parts,  one  of  which 
is  occupied  by  the  Belgians,  another  by  the  Aquitanians, 
and  a  third  by  those  who  in  their  own  language  are  called 
Celts,  but  in  ours  Gauls.  The  Garonne  River  separates  the 
Gauls  from  the  Aquitanians ;  the  Marne  and  the  Seine  flow 
between  them  and  the  Belgians.  Of  all  these  peoples,  the 
Belgians  are  the  bravest,  because  they  are  the  farthest  from 
the  civilization  and  refinement  of  our  Province,  and  mer- 
chants less  frequently  resort  to  them  and  import  those  com- 
modities which  tend  to  weaken  the  mind  ;  and  they  are  the 
nearest  to  the  Germans,  who  dwell  across  the  Rhine,  with 
whom  the  Belgians  are  continually  waging  war.  For  the 
same  reason  the  rest  of  the  Gauls  are  inferior  in  valor  to  the 
Helvetians,  who  contend  with  the  Germans  in  almost  daily 
battles.  In  these  contests  the  Helvetians  are  either  repelling 
the  Germans  from  their  lands  or  themselves  waging  war  on 
the  German  frontiers. 

It  does  not  appear  foreign  to  our  subject  to  lay  before 
the  reader  an  account  of  the  manners  of  Gaul  and  Germany, 
and  to  explain  the  differences  between  these  two  nations. 
In  Gaul  there  are  factions  not  only  in  all  the  states  and  in 
all  the  cantons  and  their  divisions  but  almost  in  each  family, 
and  of  these  factions  those  are  the  leaders  who  are  supposed 
to  possess  the  greatest  influence,  upon  whose  will  and  judg- 
ment the  management  of  all  affairs  and  measures  depends. 
And  this  custom  seems  to  have  been  instituted  in  ancient 
times  in  order  that  no  one  of  the  common  people  might  be 
in  want  of  support  against  a  more  powerful  person ;  for  no 
leader  suffers  his  party  to  be  oppressed  or  defrauded  ;  and 
if  he  does  otherwise,  he  no  longer   has   influence  in   his 


Factions  in   Gaul 


203 


party.     The  same  policy  exists  throughout  Gaul,  for  all  the 
states  are  divided  into  two  factions. 

When  Caesar  arrived  in  Gaul,  the  ^Edui  were  the  leaders  The  lE&ui 
of  one  faction,   the  Sequani  of  the  other.     As  the   chief   lequani 
influence  from  of  old  was  with  the  ^Edui,  who  had  great  ceesar 
dependencies,  the  Sequani,  who  were  inferior,  had  united    Gallic '  War, 
to  themselves  the  Germans  under  Ariovistus,  and  by  great 
sacrifices  and  promises  had  brought  these  foreigners  over 
to  their  own  party.     After  fighting  several  successful  battles 
and  killing  all  the  nobility  of  the  ^Edui,  the  Sequani  had 
come  to  surpass  them  in  power  to  such  an  extent  that  they 
brought  over  from  the  ^Edui  to  themselves  a  large  number 
of  their  dependents,  and  received  from  their  defeated  rivals 
the  sons  of  the  leading  men  as  hostages,  and  compelled 
them  to  swear  publicly  that  they  would  enter  into  no  design 
against  their  conquerors.    A  portion  of  the  neighboring  coun- 
try the  Sequani  seized  by  force,  and  acquired  the  leadership 
of  the  whole  of  Gaul. 

Divitiacus  (the  yEduan  leader) ,  urged  by  this  necessity,  had 
gone  to  Rome  to  the  senate  for  the  purpose  of  asking  assist- 
ance, and  had  returned  without  accomplishing  his  object. 

On  the  arrival  of  Caesar  a  change  of  affairs  took  place;   Caesar 
the  hostages  were  returned  to  the  ^Edui,  their  old  depend-  ^u?and 
encies  were  restored,  and  they  acquired  new  subjects  through  the  Remi. 
Caesar ;  for  those  who  attached  themselves  as  (dependent) 
allies  to  the  ^Edui  saw  that  they  enjoyed  a  better  state  and 
a  milder  government.     The  interests,  the  influence,  and  the 
reputation  of  the  ^Edui  increased,  and   consequently  the 
Sequani  lost  the  leadership  of  Gaul.     The  Remi  succeeded 
to  their  place ;  and  as  all  could  see  that  they  equalled  the 
^Edui  in  favor  with  Caesar,  those  who  disliked  to  join  the 
^Edui  placed  themselves  in  clientship  to  the  Remi.     The 
latter  carefully  protected  them,  and  in  this  way  suddenly 
acquired  new  influence.     The  state  of  affairs,  accordingly, 
was  that  the  ^Edui  were  considered  by  far  the  leading  people, 
and  the  Remi  held  the  second  post  of  honor. 


204 


The  Revolution 


The  druids. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  13. 


They  are 
the  judges. 


Their 
organiza- 
tion. 


Throughout  Gaul  are  two  orders  of  men  who  have  rank 
and  dignity ;  for  the  common  people  are  held  almost  in  the 
condition  of  slaves ;  they  dare  do  nothing  of  themselves, 
and  take  no  part  in  deliberation.  The  greater  number, 
when  pressed  by  debt  or  by  heavy  taxes  or  oppressed  by 
the  more  powerful,  give  themselves  up  in  vassalage  to  the 
nobles,  who  possess  over  them  the  same  rights  without 
exception  as  masters  exercise  over  their  slaves.  Of  these 
two  orders  of  nobles  one  is  that  of  the  druids,  the  other 
that  of  the  knights.  The  former  are  engaged  in  religious 
duties;  they  conduct  the  public  and  private  sacrifices  and 
interpret  all  matters  of  religion. 

To  this  class  a  large  number  of  young  men  resort  for 
instruction  and  all  hold  the  druids  in  high  honor.  For  these 
priests  decide  almost  all  controversies,  public  and  private ; 
and  if  any  crime  has  been  perpetrated,  if  murder  has  been 
committed,  or  if  there  is  any  dispute  about  inheritance  or 
about  boundaries,  these  same  persons  decide  it.  They 
decree  rewards  and  punishments ;  and  if  any  one  either 
publicly  or  privately  refuses  to  submit  to  their  decision,  they 
interdict  him  from  the  sacrifices.  This  among  them  is  the 
heaviest  punishment.  Those  who  have  been  thus  interdicted 
are  esteemed  impious  and  criminal :  all  shun  them  and  avoid 
their  society  and  conversation,  lest  they  receive  some  evil 
from  the  contact;  neither  is  justice  administered  to  them 
when  they  seek  it,  nor  is  any  dignity  bestowed  on  them. 

Over  all  these  druids  one  presides,  who  possesses  supreme 
authority  among  them.  On  his  death  any  individual  who  is 
preeminent  in  dignity  succeeds ;  but  if  many  are  equal,  the 
election  is  made  by  the  votes  of  the  druids ;  sometimes  they 
even  contend  in  arms  for  the  presidency.  The  members  of 
the  class  gather  at  a  fixed  period  of  the  year  in  a  consecrated 
place  in  the  territory  of  the  Carnutes,  which  is  considered  the 
central  region  of  the  whole  of  Gaul.  Hither  all  who  have 
disputes  assemble  from  every  quarter,  and*  submit  to  their 
decrees  and  decisions.     This  institution  is  supposed  to  have 


The  Druids  and  the  Knights      205 

been  devised  in  Britain,  and  to  have  been  brought  over  from 
there  to  Gaul ;  and  now  those  who  wish  to  gain  a  more  accu- 
rate knowledge  of  that  system  go  thither  for  the  purpose  of 
studying  it. 

The  druids  do  not  engage  in  war  or  pay  tribute  as  the  Their  learn- 
rest ;  they  are  exempt  from  military  service  and  from  all  lng* 
other  burdens.     Induced  by  such  advantages,  many  embrace    ^auwar, 
this  profession  of  their  own  accord,  and  many  are  sent  to  it   vi,  14. 
by  their  parents  and  kinsmen.     In    their  preparation  they 
are  said  to  commit  to  memory  a  great  number  of  verses ;  some 
accordingly  continue  in  training  twenty  years.     And  they  do 
not  think  it  lawful  to  put  these  verses  in  writing,  though  in 
almost  all  other  matters,  in  their  public  and  private  business, 
they  use  the  Greek  alphabet.     This  practice,  in  my  opinion, 
they  have  adopted  for  two  reasons  ;  first  because  they  do  not 
wish  their  doctrines  to  be  divulged  among  the  mass  of  people, 
and  secondly  that  the  learners  may  not  in  reliance  on  writing 
be  less  inclined  to  exercise  the  memory.     For  in  their  de- 
pendence  on   writing  most   men  relax   their   diligence   in 
learning  thoroughly  and  in  memorizing. 

The  druids  wish  to  inculcate  this  as  one  of  their  leading  The  trans- 
tenets,  that  souls  do  not  become  extinct,  but  pass  after  death  jjjJSJJJ*1*8  of 
from  one  body  to  another,  and  they  think  this  doctrine  excites 
men  to  great  valor,  and  to  disregard  the  fear  of  death. 
They  discuss  astronomy,  too,  and  impart  to  the  youth  much 
information  respecting  the  stars  and  their  motion,  the  extent 
of  the  world  and  of  our  earth,  the  nature  of  things,  and  the 
"power  and  majesty  of  the  immortal  gods. 

The  other  order  is  that  of  the  knights.     Before  Caesar's  The 
arrival,  war  was  carried  on  nearly  every  year,  as  each  tribe       lg 
was  either  inflicting  injuries  or  repelling  those  inflicted  by   qaWcWar, 
others ;    and  whenever  there   is   war,  all   the   knights  are   vi-  IS- 
engaged.     Those  who  are  most  distinguished  by  birth  and 
resources  have  the  greatest  number  of  vassals  and  clients ;  in 
fact  this  is  the  only  sort  of  influence  and  power  which  they 
acknowledge. 


2o6 


The  Revolution 


Human 
sacrifices. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  16. 


Their  gods. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  17. 

(The 
Romans 
identified 
foreign 
deities  with 
their  own.) 


The  Gallic  nation  is  exceedingly  devoted  to  superstitious 
rites ;  and  for  this  reason  all  who  are  troubled  with  unusu- 
ally severe  diseases,  and  all  who  are  engaged  in  battles  and 
dangers,  either  sacrifice  men  as  victims  or  vow  to  sacrifice 
them,  and  employ  druids  as  performers  of  these  rites.  For 
they  think  that  unless  the  life  of  a  man  is  offered  for  the  life 
of  a  man,  the  immortal  gods  cannot  be  rendered  propitious. 
They  therefore  have  human  sacrifices  for  national  purposes. 
Some  make  figures  of  vast  size,  from  the  limbs  of  osiers,  and 
fill  the  interior  with  living  men.  They  then  set  these  figures 
on  fire,  so  that  the  men  perish  in  the  flames.  They  consider 
that  the  offering  of  those  taken  in  theft,  in  robbery,  or  in  any 
other  offence,  is  more  acceptable  to  the  immortal  gods ;  but 
when  a  supply  of  that  class  is  wanting,  they  have  recourse  to 
the  offering  even  of  the  innocent. 

They  worship  Mercury  especially.  They  have  many  images 
of  him,  and  regard  him  as  the  inventor  of  all  arts  and  the 
guide  of  their  journeys  and  marches ;  they  believe,  too,  that 
he  helps  them  greatly  to  gain  wealth  and  to  carry  on  mer- 
cantile business.  Next  to  him  they  worship  Apollo  and 
Mars  and  Jupiter  and  Minerva.  Regarding  these  deities 
they  have  for  the  most  part  the  same  belief  as  other  nations  : 
that  Apollo  averts  diseases,  that  Minerva  teaches  the  useful 
arts,  that  Jupiter  possesses  the  sovereignty  over  the  heavenly 
powers,  that  Mars  presides  over  wars.  It  is  their  custom 
when  they  have  decided  upon  battle,  to  vow  to  Mars  those 
things  which  they  shall  take  in  war.  When  they  have  con- 
quered, they  sacrifice  the  captured  animals  which  have  sur- 
vived, and  all  the  rest  of  the  booty  they  collect  into  one  place. 
In  many  states  you  may  see  piles  of  these  things  heaped  up 
in  their  consecrated  spots ;  and  it  does  not  often  happen 
that  any  one  so  disregards  the  sanctity  of  the  place  as  to 
secrete  captured  goods  in  his  house  or  carry  off  those  which 
have  been  deposited  j  for  such  a  deed  has  been  prescribed  the 
most  severe  punishment  by  torture. 

All  the  Gauls  assert  that  they  are  descended  from  the  god 


Social   Customs 


207 


Dis  — a  tradition  handed  down,  they  say,  by  the  druids. 
For  this  reason  they  compute  the  divisions  of  every  season 
not  by  the  number  of  days  but  of  nights  ;  in  their  birthdays 
and  in  the  beginnings  of  their  months  and  years  the  day  fol- 
lows the  night.  Among  their  other  usages  they  differ  from 
almost  all  other  nations  in  this  respect,  that  they  do  not 
permit  their  children  to  approach  them  openly  till  they  are 
grown  up  so  as  to  be  able  to  bear  the  service  of  war ;  and 
they  regard  it  as  indecorous  for  a  son  of  boyish  age  to  stand 
in  public  in  the  presence  of  his  father. 

Whatever  sums  of  money  the  husbands  have  received  as 
dowry  with  their  wives,  they  estimate,  and  add  the  same 
amount  from  their  own  estates.  An  account  is  kept  of  this 
whole  sum  and  the  profits  are  laid  by ;  so  that  the  one  who 
survives  the  other  may  receive  the  portion  of  both,  together 
with  the  profits.  Husbands  have  power  of  life  and  death 
over  their  wives  as  well  as  over  their  children.  When  the 
father  of  a  family  of  uncommonly  high  rank  has  died,  his 
kinsmen  assemble ;  and  if  the  circumstances  of  his  death  are 
suspicious,  they  investigate  the  conduct  of  the  wives  in  the 
same  way  as  that  of  slaves ;  and  if  proof  is  obtained,  they 
put  the  wives  to  severe  torture  and  kill  them. 

In  view  of  the  state  of  civilization  among  the  Gauls,  their 
funerals  are  magnificent  and  costly.  As  one  of  the  funeral 
rites  they  cast  into  the  fire  all  those  possessions  of  the  de- 
ceased, including  living  creatures,  which  they  suppose  to 
have  been  dear  to  him  in  his  life.  Until  lately  slaves  and 
clients  who  were  known  to  have  been  beloved  by  the  de- 
ceased were  burned  with  his  body  at  the  close  of  the  funeral 
rites. 

The  best  regulated  states  ordain  by  law  that  if  any  person 
hears  by  rumor  anything  from  his  neighbors  concerning  pub- 
lic affairs,  he  shall  impart  it  to  a  magistrate  but  to  no  other ; 
for  it  has  been  discovered  that  unthinking  and  inexperienced 
men  are  often  alarmed  by  false  reports,  and  driven  to  some 
rash  act,  or  else   take    hasty  measures  in  very  important 


Strange  cus- 
toms. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  18. 


The  family. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  19. 


Funerals. 


Censorship 
of  news. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War 
vi.  20. 


208 


The  Revolution 


affairs.  The  magistrates  conceal  the  news  which  ought  to 
be  kept  unknown,  and  disclose  to  the  people  whatever  they 
think  expedient. 


The 
Germans. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  ai. 


Occupation 
and  homes. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  22. 


Frontiers. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  Wa 
vi.  23. 


Very  different  from  the  Gallic  customs  are  those  of  the 
Germans,  for  they  have  no  druids  to  preside  over  sacred  offices 
nor  do  they  pay  great  regard  to  sacrifices.  They  consider 
as  gods  those  only  whom  they  behold,  and  by  whom  they  are 
clearly  benefited.  These  beings  are  the  Sun,  Fire,  and  the 
Moon ;  of  other  deities  they  have  tiot  even  heard.  Their 
whole  life  is  occupied  in  hunting  and  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
military  art ;  from  childhood  they  devote  themselves  to  fa- 
tigue and  hardships.  .  .  .  They  bathe  in  the  rivers ;  and 
as  they  wear  skins  only  or  small  cloaks  of  deer's  hides,  a 
large  part  of  the  body  remains  bare. 

They  pay  little  attention  to  agriculture.  Their  food,  there- 
fore, consists  mostly  of  milk,  cheese,  and  meat.  No  one  has 
a  fixed  quantity  of  land  or  a  definite  abode,  but  the  magis- 
trates annually  distribute  among  the  clans  and  families  as 
much  land  as  they  think  sufficient,  and  locate  it  according 
to  their  judgment ;  every  year  a  change  of  abode  is  required. 
By  means  of  this  law  they  take  care  lest  the  people,  led 
astray  by  long-continued  custom,  may  exchange  their  war- 
like ardor  for  agriculture;  lest  they  may  be  anxious  to 
acquire  large  estates,  and  the  more  powerful  drive  the 
weaker  from  their  possessions ;  lest  they  build  their  houses 
with  too  great  a  desire  to  avoid  heat  and  cold  j  lest  there 
may  spring  up  a  love  of  wealth,  from  which  divisions  and 
discords  arise ;  and  their  final  object  is  to  keep  the  common 
people  contented  by  allowing  each  one  to  see  his  own  means 
on  an  equality  with  those  of  the  greatest  nobles. 

It  is  the  highest  glory  of  the  several  states  to  lay  waste 
their  frontiers  so  as  to  have  as  wide  deserts  as  possible 
around  them.  That  neighbors  shall  be  driven  from  their 
lands  and  abandon  them,  and  that  no  one  dare  settle  near, 
—  this  condition  of  affairs  each  state  takes  as  evidence  of 


An   Immense  Forest  209 

its  own  prowess ;  for  the  same  reason  it  considers  itself  the 
more  secure,  because  it  has  the  less  fear  of  a  sudden  attack 
from  without. 

When  a  state  either  repels  or  wages  war,  it  chooses  magis-  Chiefs, 
trates  with  power  of  life  and  death  to  take  the  lead  in  the 
war.  In  peace  the  state  has  no  common  ruler,  but  the  chiefs 
of  districts  and  cantons  administer  justice  and  decide  dis- 
putes among  their  own  people.  Robberies  committed  be- 
yond the  borders  of  a  state  bring  no  disgrace ;  the  people 
hold  that  these  depredations  are  committed  for  the  purpose 
of  disciplining  their  youth  and  of  preventing  sloth.  When 
any  chief  says  in  an  assembly,  "  I  will  be  your  leader  (in  an 
expedition  for  robbery)  ;  all  who  are  willing  to  follow,  give 
in  your  names,"  they  who  approve  of  the  enterprise  and  of 
the  man  arise  and  promise  assistance,  while  the  people 
applaud  them ;  and  those  who  fail  to  keep  this  promise 
are  looked  upon  as  deserters  and  traitors,  and  are  refused 
confidence  in  all  matters. 

To  injure  guests  they  regard  as  impious ;  they  defend  from  Hospitality, 
harm  all  who  have  come  to  them  for  any  purpose  whatever, 
and  esteem  them  inviolable ;  to  such  strangers  the  houses 
of  all  are  open  and  entertainment  is  freely  supplied. 

To  a  quick  traveller  the  breadth  of  the  Hercynian  forest  The 
is  a  nine  days'  journey ;  for  it  cannot  be  computed  in  any  forest*"*11 
other  way  as  the  natives  are  unacquainted  with  the  measure  C£esar 
of  roads.      It  begins  on  the  Helvetian  frontier  .  .  .  and    Gallic  War, 
extends  directly  along  the  Danube  River  to  the  country  of 
the  Dacians  and  the  Anartes ;  thence  bending  to  the  left,  it 
diverges  from  the  river  and  because  of  its  great  extent  it  touches 
the  borders  of  many  nations.     No  one  in  this  part  of  Ger-   GeTmany.) 
many  will  say  he  has  ever  reached  the  end  of  that  forest, 
though  he  has  advanced  through  it  a  journey  of  sixty  days, 
or  has  ever  heard  where  it  begins.     It  certainly  produces 
many  kinds  of  wild   beasts  which  are  seen  nowhere  else. 
Those  mentioned  below  diner  from  other  animals  and  are 
worthy  of  description. 


vi.  25. 

(An 

immense 
forest  in 
southern 


2IO 


The  Revolution 


The 
reindeer. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  26. 


Elks. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War, 
vi.  27. 


Bisons. 

Caesar, 
Gallic  War. 
vi.  28. 


There  is  an  ox  of  the  shape  of  a  stag,  between  whose  ears 
a  horn  rises  from  the  middle  of  the  forehead,  higher  and 
straighter  than  any  horns  known  to  us.  From  the  top  of  it 
long  branches  extend  like  palms.  The  male  and  the  female 
are  of  the  same  shape,  and  their  horns  have  the  same  form 
and  size. 

There  are  animals,  too,  which  are  called  elks.  In  shape 
and  in  the  varied  color  of  their  skins  they  resemble  goats, 
but  are  somewhat  larger.  They  have  no  horns,  and  their 
legs  are  without  joints  or  ligatures ;  hence  they  do  not  lie 
down  to  rest,  and  if  thrown  down  by  accident,  they  cannot 
raise  themselves  up.  Trees  are  their  beds ;  the  animals  lean 
against  these  supports,  and  thus  reclining  but  slightly,  they 
take  their  rest.  When  the  huntsmen  have  discovered  the 
abode  of  these  animals  from  their  tracks,  they  either  under- 
mine all  the  trees  at  the  roots,  or  cut  into  them  so  far  that 
the  parts  above  have  nothing  more  than  the  appearance  of 
standing.  When  according  to  habit  the  animals  lean  upon 
the  unsupported  trees,  their  weight  tips  the  trees  over  and 
the  animals  themselves  fall  along  with  them. 

A  third  kind  of  animals  is  the  so-called  bisons  (or  wild 
oxen).  They  are  a  little  smaller  than  the  elephant  and  re- 
semble a  bull  in  appearance,  color,  and  form.  Their  strength 
and  speed  are  extraordinary ;  they  spare  neither  man  nor 
wild  beast  which  comes  within  their  sight. 

The  Germans  kill  these  animals  after  capturing  them  with 
great  difficulty  in  pits.  The  young  men  harden  themselves 
with  exercise  in  this  kind  of  hunting ;  and  those  who  have 
killed  the  greatest  number  exhibit  the  horns  in  public  as  evi- 
dence of  success,  for  which  they  receive  great  praise.  But 
not  even  when  taken  very  young  can  they  be  tamed  and 
made  familiar  to  men.  In  size,  shape,  and  appearance, 
their  horns  are  quite  different  from  those  of  our  oxen. 
These  horns  the  Germans  anxiously  collect,  and  binding  the 
tips  with  silver,  they  use  them  as  cups  at  the  most  sumptuous 
banquets. 


Caesar,   Pompey,  and  Crassus       2 1 1 

(Before  Caesar  began  the  conquest  of  Gaul,  he  had  formed   The  First 
with  Pompey  and  Crassus  a  political  alliance  known  as  the   Jo^bc**6' 
First  Triumvirate.     By  combining  their  great  powers  these   Fiorus  iv  2 
three  men  could  control  the  entire  Roman  world.     The  fol- 
lowing selections  give  some  account  of  this  triumvirate,  and 
of  the  civil  war  between  Pompey  and  Caesar  which  followed 
the  conquest  of  Gaul.) 

In  the  consulship  of  Quintus  Metellus  and  Lucius  Afranius, 
when  the  majesty  of  Rome  dominated  the  world,  and  the 
imperial  city  was  celebrating  in  Pompey's  theatre  her  recent 
victories  over  Pontus  and  Armenia,  the  overgrown  power  of 
Pompey,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  excited  the  idle  citizens 
to  envy  of  him.  Metellus,  discontented  with  the  lessening 
of  his  triumph  over  Crete,  and  Cato,  ever  an  enemy  of  those 
in  power,  slandered  Pompey  and  raised  a  clamor  against  his 
acts.  Anger  at  these  doings  drove  Pompey  to  harsh  meas- 
ures and  compelled  him  to  provide  a  support  to  his  author- 
ity. Crassus,  distinguished  for  family,  wealth,  and  honor, 
desired  still  greater  power.  Gaius  Caesar  had  become  emi- 
nent by  his  eloquence  and  spirit,  and  by  his  promotion  to 
the  consulship.  Pompey  however  towered  above  them  both. 
Caesar,  eager  to  acquire  distinction,  Crassus  to  increase  what 
he  had,  and  Pompey  to  add  to  his  influence,  —  and  all 
equally  covetous  of  power,  —  formed  an  agreement  to  seize 
the  government.  As  they  were  all  striving  with  their  com- 
mon forces,  each  for  his  own  advancement,  Caesar  took  the 
province  of  Gaul,  Crassus  that  of  Asia,  Pompey  that  of  Spain. 
With  their  three  vast  armies  they  held  the  empire  of  the 
world. 

Their  government  extended  through  ten  years.     During  Pompey  and 
this  period  they  were  restrained  by  fear  of  one  another ;  but  §JJjj[ are 
at  its  close  Pompey  and  Caesar  became  rivals,  for  Crassus 
had  died  among  the  Parthians.     Julia,  the  wife  of  Pompey 
and  daughter  of  Caesar,  had  maintained  peace  between  the 
two  men,  but  she  also  was  now  dead. 

Thereafter  the  power  of  Caesar  was  an  object  of  jealousy 


212 


The  Revolution 


Rome,  p. 
187  f. ; 

Ancient 
History,  p. 
370. 


Civil  war, 
49-45  B.C. 


The  battle 
of  Phar- 
salus,  48  B.C. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.  77. 


to  Pompey,  and  the  eminence  of  Pompey  was  offensive  to 
Caesar.  The  one  could  not  bear  an  equal  or  the  other 
a  superior.  .  .  .  Accordingly  as  their  bond  of  union  had 
been  broken,  the  senate,  championed  by  Pompey,  began  to 
think  of  a  successor  to  Caesar  in  the  proconsulship  of  Gaul. 
Caesar  did  not  refuse  to  comply  with  their  desires,  provided 
they  should  regard  his  wishes  as  to  the  coming  elections. 
But  the  consulship,  which  with  Pompey's  approval  ten  trib- 
unes of  the  plebs  had  recently  decreed  to  Caesar  in  his 
absence,  was  now  refused  him.  The  senate  insisted  that  he 
should  come  and  sue  for  it  according  to  ancient  usage. 
Caesar,  however,  demanded  what  had  been  decreed  him,  and 
asserted  that  unless  they  kept  their  word,  he  would  not  part 
with  his  army.  A  decree  of  the  senate  accordingly  declared 
him  a  public  enemy. 

Provoked  by  these  doings,  Caesar  resolved  to  secure  by 
war  the  rewards  of  military  success.  The  first  scene  of  action 
in  the  civil  war  was  Italy,  whose  strongholds  Pompey  had 
occupied  with  light  garrisons.  .  .  .  The  war  would  have 
been  finished  without  bloodshed,  could  Caesar  have  surprised 
Pompey  at  Brundisium.  This  he  would  have  done,  had  not 
Pompey  escaped  by  night  from  the  besieged  harbor.  Dis- 
honorable to  relate  !  he  who  had  recently  been  at  the  head 
of  the  senate,  the  arbiter  of  peace  and  war,  fled  across  the 
sea,  over  which  he  had  once  triumphed.  This  voyage  he 
made  in  a  single  vessel,  which  in  crossing  was  shattered  and 
almost  wrecked.  No  sooner  was  Pompey  driven  from  Italy 
than  the  senate  was  forced  from  the  city,  which  Caesar  then 
entered.  .  .  .  But  as  Fortune  now  called  together  the  pair 
of  combatants,  who  were  destined  to  contend  for  the  empire 
of  the  world,  Pompey  fixed  on  Epirus  for  the  seat  of  war, 
and  Caesar  was  not  slow  in  meeting  him. 

When  everything  was  ready  on  both  sides,  they  waited 
some  time  in  profound  silence,  hesitating,  looking  steadfastly 
at  each  other,  each  expecting  the  other  to  begin  the  battle. 
They  were  stricken  with  sorrow  for  the  great  host,  for  never 


A  Decisive  Battle  213 

before  had  such  large  Roman  armies  confronted  the  same 
danger  together.  .  .  .  Reason  purged  the  mad  passion  for 
glory,  estimated  the  peril,  and  exposed  the  cause  of  the  war, 
showing  how  two  men,  contending  with  each  other  for 
supremacy,  had  put  themselves  in  a  position  where  the  one 
who  should  be  vanquished  could  no  longer  hold  even  the 
humblest  place,  and  how  so  great  a  number  of  the  nobility 
incurred  the  same  risk  on  their  account. 

Pompey   gave    the    signal    first    and    Caesar    reechoed.  Appian, 
Straightway  the  trumpets,  of  which  there  were  many  among   ~™i  Wars* 
so  great  a  host,  aroused  the  soldiers  with   their   inspiring 
blasts,  and  the  standard-bearers  and  officers  put  themselves 
in  motion  and  encouraged  their  men.  .  .  . 

Now  as  they  came  nearer  together,  they  first  shot  arrows  The  crisis  of 
and  threw  stones.  Then  the  opposing  cavalry  forces,  who  the  fightl 
were  a  little  in  advance  of  the  infantry,  charged  each  other. 
Those  of  Pompey  prevailed  and  began  to  flank  the  tenth 
legion.  Caesar  then  gave  the  signal  to  the  cohorts  in 
ambush,  and  they,  starting  up  suddenly,  advanced  to  meet 
the  cavalry ;  with  spears  elevated  they  aimed  at  the  faces 
of  the  riders.  These  knights  could  not  endure  the  enemy's 
savagery  or  the  blows  on  their  mouths  and  eyes,  but  fled  in 
disorder.  Thereupon  Caesar's  men,  who  had  just  now 
been  afraid  of  being  surrounded,  fell  upon  the  flank 
of  Pompey's  infantry,  which  was  denuded  of  its  cavalry 
support. 

The  tenth  legion  under  Caesar  himself  surrounded  Pom-  Caesar  wins, 
pey's  left  wing,  —  now  deprived  of  cavalry,  —  and  assailed  Appian, 
it  with  javelins  in  flank ;  but  it  stood  immovable  till  finally   &™£  ^ars' 
the  assailants  threw  it  into  disorder,  routed  it,  and  made  a 
beginning  of  victory.     In  the  rest  of  the  field  killing  and 
wounding  of  all  kinds  were  going  on,  but  no  cry  came  from 
the  scene  of  carnage,  no  lamentation  from  the  wounded  or 
the  dying,  only  sighs  and  groans  from  those  who  were  honor- 
ably falling. 

The  rest  of  Pompey's  legions,  seeing  the'  disaster  of  the 


2I4 


The  Revolution 


M  Stand 
without 
fear." 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.8o. 


Pompey 
flees. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.  8x. 


The  end  of 
Pompey. 

Plutarch, 
Ccesar,  48. 


left  wing,  retired  slowly  at  first,  in  good  order,  and  still  re- 
sisted as  well  as  they  could.  But  when,  flushed  with  victory, 
the  enemy  pressed  upon  them,  they  turned  in  flight.  That 
they  might  not  rally,  and  that  this  might  be  the  end  of  the 
whole  war  and  not  of  one  battle  merely,  Caesar  prudently 
sent  heralds  everywhere  among  the  ranks  to  order  the 
victors  to  spare  their  own  countrymen  and  to  smite  only  the 
auxiliaries.  The  heralds  drew  near  the  retreating  enemy 
and  told  them  to  stand  still  without  fear.  As  this  proc- 
lamation was  passed  from  man  to  man,  they  halted,  and 
the  phrase  "stand  without  fear,'1  began  to  be  passed  as  a 
sort  of  watchword  among  Pompey's  soldiers;  for  being 
Italians,  they  were  clad  in  the  same  style  as  Caesar's  men 
and  spoke  the  same  language.  Passing  by  them,  accord- 
ingly, Caesar's  men  fell  upon  the  auxiliaries,  who  were  unable 
to  resist,  and  made  great  slaughter  among  them. 

When  Pompey  saw  his  men  retreating,  he  became  dazed 
and  retired  slowly  to  his  camp,  and  on  reaching  his  tent, 
he  sat  down  speechless.  ...  So  they  fell  upon  the  camp 
and  assaulted  it  with  the  utmost  disdain  for  the  defenders. 
When  Pompey  learned  of  this  attack,  he  started  up  from  his 
strange  silence,  exclaiming,  "What!  in  our  very  camp?" 
After  saying  this,  he  changed  his  clothing,  mounted  a  horse, 
and  fled  with  a  few  friends,  and  did  not  draw  rein  till  he 
reached  Larissa  early  the  next  morning.  So  Caesar  estab- 
lished himself  in  Pompey's  camp  as  he  had  promised  to 
do  when  he  was  preparing  for  the  battle,  and  ate  Pom- 
pey's supper,  and  the  whole  army  feasted  at  Pompey's 
expense. 

(Pompey  fled  to  Egypt,  where  he  was  killed  by  the  ad- 
visers of  the  Egyptian  king.)  Arriving  in  Alexandria  after 
the  death  of  Pompey,  Caesar  turned  away  from  Theodotus, 
who  brought  him  his  enemy's  head,  but  he  received  Pom- 
pey's seal  ring  and  wept  over  it.  All  the  companions  and 
intimate  friends  of  Pompey,  who  were  rambling  about  the 
country  and  had  been  taken  by  the  king,  Caesar  treated 


Honors  to  Caesar  215 

well  and  gained  over  to  himself.     He  wrote  to  his  friends  47  b.c. 
in  Rome  that  the  chief  and  sweetest  pleasure  which  he 
derived  from  his  victory  was  to  be  able  to  pardon  any  of 
those  citizens  who  had  fought  against  him. 

After  ending  the  civil  wars  Caesar  hastened  to  Rome,  Honors  to 
honored  and  feared  as  no  one  had  ever  been  before.     All   Caesar- 
kinds  of  honors  were  devised  for  his  gratification  without  ^itwars 
stint,  even   such  as  were   more  than   human,  —  sacrifices,  »•  106. 
games,  statues  in  all  the   temples  and   public   places,  by 
every  tribe,  by  all  the  -provinces,  and  by  the  kings  in  alliance 
with  Rome.     His  portrait  was  painted  in  various  forms,  and 
in  some  cases  crowned  with  oak  as  that  of  the  saviour  of  his 
country.  .  .  .     He  was  proclaimed  the  Father  of  his  Coun-   Cf.  p.  198. 
try  and  chosen  dictator  for  life,  and  his  person  was  declared 
sacred  and  inviolable.     It  was  decreed  that  he  should  trans- 
adfbusiness  on  a  throne  of  ivory  and  gold ;  that  he  should 
always  perform  his  sacerdotal  functions  in  triumphal  dress ; 
that  each  year  the  city  should  celebrate  the  days  on  which 
he  had  won  his  victories ;  that  every  five  years  the  priests 
and  Vestal  virgins  should   offer  up  public  prayers  for  his 
safety ;    and   that  the  magistrates   immediately  after  their 
inauguration  should  take   an  oath  not  to  oppose   any  of 
Caesar's  decrees.     In  honor  of  his  gens  the  name  of  the 
month  Quintilis  was  changed  to  July.     Many  temples  were 
decreed  to  him  as  to  a  god,  and  one  was  dedicated  -in 
common   to   him   and   the   goddess   Clemency,  who  were 
represented  as  clasping  hands. 

Thus  while  they  feared  his  power  they  besought  his  mercy.   cieSmency# 
Some  proposed  to  give  him  the  title  of  king,  but  when  he  Appjani 
learned  of  their  purpose  he  forbade  it  with  threats,  for  he    Civil  Wars, 
said  it  was  an  inauspicious  name  by  reason  of  the  curse  of 
their  ancestors.     He  dismissed  the  pretorian  cohorts  which   cohorts,  com- 
had  served  as  his  body-guard  during  the  wars,  and  he  showed  panies  of 

,_.,,  1.  ,,-  1  soldiers  who 

himself  with  the  ordinary  public  attendants  only.  .  .  .  guarded  the 

He  received  all'  the  honors  conferred  upon  him  excepting  oT^nerai's 
the  ten-year  consulship.     As  consuls  for  the  ensuing  year  he  tent.) 


2l6 


The  Revolution 


The 
conspiracy. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
ii.  113. 

(They  were 
praetors  as 
well  as  sena- 
tors, and 
their  service 
as  magis- 
trates might 
be  needed  at 
the  meeting.) 


lb.  114. 


designated  himself  and  Antony,  his  master  of  horse,  and 
he  appointed  Lepidus  master  of  horse  in  place  of  Antony. 
Lepidus  at  this  time  was  governor  of  Spain,  but  was  admin- 
istering his  province  through  friends.  Caesar  recalled  all 
exiles  excepting  those  who  had  been  banished  for  some 
grave  offence.  He  pardoned  his  enemies,  and  many  of  those 
who  had  fought  against  him  he  forthwith  advanced  to  the 
yearly  magistracies  or  to  the  command  of  provinces  and  of 
armies.  \  The  wearied  people  therefore  especially  hoped  he 
would  restore  the  republic  to  them,  as  Sulla  did  after  he 
had  grasped  the  same  power.  But  in  this  respect  they  were 
disappointed.       \ 

While  the  talk  aoout  the  kingship  was  going  on,  and  just 
before  a  session  of  the  senate,  Cassius  met  Brutus,  and  seiz- 
ing him  by  the  hand,  said,  "  What  shall  we  do  in  the  senate- 
house  if  Caesar's  flatterers  propose  a  decree  to  make  him 
king?"  "  I  shall  not  be  there,"  Brutus  replied.  Then  Cas- 
sius asked  him  further,  "  What  if  we  are  summoned  there  as 
praetors,  what  shall  we  do  then,  my  good  Brutus ? "  "I  will 
defend  my  country  to  the  death,"  he  answered.  Cassius 
embraced  him,  saying,  "Which  of  the  nobility  will  you 
allow  to  share  your  thoughts  ?  ".  .  .  Thus  did  they  disclose 
to  each  other  what  they  had  been  privately  thinking  about 
for  a  long  time.  Each  of  them  tested  those  of  their  own 
and  of  Caesar's  friends  whom  they  considered  the  most 
courageous  of  either  faction. 

When  they  thought  they  had  a  sufficient  number,  and  that 
it  would  not  be  wise  to  divulge  the  plot  to  any  more,  they 
pledged  each  other  without  oaths  or  sacrifices,  yet  no  one 
changed  his  mind  or  betrayed  the  secret.  They  sought  a 
time  and  place.  Time  was  pressing  because  Caesar  was  to 
depart  on  his  campaign  four  days  hence  and  would  then 
have  a  body-guard  of  soldiers.  They  chose  the  senate  as 
the  place,  believing  that  though  all  the  senators  did  not 
know  of  it  beforehand,  they  would  join  heartily  when  they 
saw  the  deed. 


Death  of  Cassar  217 

The  conspirators  had  left  Trebonius,  one  of  their  number,   The  conspi- 
to  engage  Antony  in  conversation  at  the  door.     The  others   Caesar  * 
with  concealed  daggers  stood  like  friends  around  Caesar  as  44  b.c. 
he  sat'  in  his  chair.     Then  one  of  them,  Tillius  Cimber,   Appian, 
came  up  in  front  of  him  and  petitioned  him  for  the  recall   &  lx-    ars' 
of  his   brother,   who   had   been    banished.      When   Caesar 
answered  that  the  matter  must  be  deferred,  Cimber  seized 
hold  of  his  purple  robe  as  though  still  urging  the  petition, 
and  pulled  it  away  so  as  to  expose  his  neck ;  at  the  same 
time  he  exclaimed,  "Friends,  what  are  you  waiting  for?" 
Then  Casca,  who  was  standing  over  Caesar's  head,  first  drove 
a  dagger  at  his  throat,  but  missed  the  aim  and  wounded 
him  in  the  breast.     Caesar  snatched  his  toga  from  Cimber, 
seized  Casca's  hand,  sprang  from  his  chair,  turned  round 
and  hurled  Casca  with  great  violence.     While  Caesar  was  in 
this  position,  another  one  stabbed  him  with  a  dagger  in  the 
side  .  .  .  Cassius  wounded  him  in  the  face,  Brutus  smote 
him  in  the  thigh,  and  Bucolianus  between  the  shoulder-blades. 

With  rage  and  outcries  Caesar  turned  now  upon  one  and 
now  upon  another  like  a  wild  animal,  but  after  receiving  the 
wound  from  Brutus  he  despaired,  and  veiling  himself  with 
his  robe,  he  fell  prostrate  at  the  foot  of  Pompey's  statue. 
After  he  had  fallen  they  continued  their  attack  till  he  re- 
ceived twenty- three  wounds. 

When  the  will   of  Caesar  was  opened,  and  the  people   The  funeral, 
learned   that   he  had  given  a  handsome  present  to  every   Plutarch, 
Roman,  and  they  saw  the  body  as  it  was  carried  through  the    Casar> 68- 
Forum,  disfigured  with  wounds,  the  multitude  no    longer 
kept  within  the  bounds  of  propriety  and  order,  but  taking 
from  the  Forum  benches,  lattices,  and  tables,  they  heaped 
them  about  the  corpse,  and  set  fire  to  the  pile  and  burned 
the  body  on  the  spot.     Then  seizing  the  flaming  pieces  of 
wood,   they  ran  to  the  houses  of  the  conspirators  to  fire 
them,  and  others  hurried  about  the  city  in  all  directions  in 
search  of  the  murderers  to  seize  and  tear  them  to  pieces. 

He  died  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age,  and  was  ranked 


2l8 


The  Revolution 


among  the  gods,  not  only  by  a  formal  decree  but  also  in 
the  belief  of  the  people.  For  during  the  first  games  which 
Augustus,  his  heir,  consecrated  to  his  memory,  a  comet 
blazed  seven  days  together,  rising  always  about  eleven 
o'clock ;  and  the  people  thought  it  was  the  soul  of  Caesar 
now  received  into  heaven. 

That  mighty  superhuman  spirit,  which  had  accompanied 
him  through  life,  followed  him  even  in  death  ;  the  avenger 
of  his  murder,  it  ran  through  every  land  and  sea,  to  hunt 
and  track  down  his  assassins  till  not  one  of  them  was  left  — 
it  pursued  even  those  who  in  any  way  whatever  had  put 
their  hand  to  the  deed  or  had  shared  in  the  plot. 


STUDIES 

i.  Write  a  biography  of  Gaius  Julius  Caesar  including  a  description 
of  his  character.  What  admirable  qualities  had  he  as  a  young  man  ? 
How  does  his  treatment  of  the  pirates  illustrate  his  character  ?  how 
his  conduct  as  consul  ?  What  is  Plutarch's  estimate  of  him  as  a 
general  ? 

2.  Describe  Gaul.  What  were  the  leading  states  (or  tribes)  of  the 
country  ?     Whom  did  Caesar  favor,  and  with  what  result  ? 

3.  Describe  the  druids,  their  customs,  and  beliefs. 

4.  What  was  the  condition  of  the  common  people  in  Gaul  ?  of  the 
family  (cf.  ch.  i)  ? 

5.  From  the  material  given  by  Caesar  in  this  chapter  and  by  Tacitus 
{Rome,  pp.  294-296)  write  a  paper  on  the  Manners,  Customs,  and  In- 
stitutions of  the  Germans.  Compare  the  Germans  (1)  with  the  Gauls 
(cf.  ch.  i),  (2)  with  the  early  Italians  {Rome,  pp.  2-4 ;  Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  255  f.). 

6.  Describe  the  animals  of  the  Hercynian  Forest.  Is  Caesar's  de- 
scription perfectly  accurate  ? 

7.  Explain  the  origin  of  the  First  Triumvirate.  How  did  Caesar 
and  Pompey  become  rivals  ?  Compare  these  two  men  in  character 
and  ability. 

8.  Give  an  account  of  the  battle  of  Pharsalus  and  of  the  death  of 
Pompey. 

9.  What  honors  did  Caesar  receive  ?  How  does  the  manner  in 
which  the  Romans  treated  him  illustrate  their  character  ?  Did  his 
assassination  benefit  either  Rome  or  the  cause  for  which  the  conspira- 
tors stood  ?     If  so,  in  what  way  ? 


CHAPTER    VIII    {concluded) 

The  Revolution  —  (2)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and 
Octavius 

(79-27  B.C.) 

OCTAVIUS 

(Octavius,  afterward  named)  Augustus,  was  born  in  the  His  birth, 
consulship  of  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  and  Gaius  Antonius,  a  Suetonius, 
little  before  sunrise  on  the  ninth  of  the  calends  of  October,  on  Auiustus^  5- 
Oxhead  Street,  Palatine  Hill,  in  the  place  where  now  stands   ^titfe^iven5 
a  chapel  built  a  little  after  his  death  and  dedicated  to  him.      Octavius  by 

To  this  day  his  nursery  may  be  seen  in  a  villa  belonging  the  senate-) 
to  the  family,  in  the  suburbs  of  Velitrae.  It  is  a  very  small 
room,  much  like  a  pantry.  Into  this  place  no  person  dares  u.  e. 
intrude  unless  necessary,  and  then  one  enters  with  great 
devotion,  for  a  belief  has  long  prevailed  that  those  who 
rashly  intrude  are  seized  with  great  horror  and  fear.  This 
belief  has  recently  been  confirmed  by  a  remarkable  incident. 
A  new  inhabitant  of  the  house  took  up  his  lodging  in  that 
apartment,  either  by  chance  or  to  try  the  truth  of  the  report. 
In  the  course  of  the  night,  however,  a  few  hours  after  retir- 
ing, he  was  thrown  out  by  some  sudden  violence,  he  knew 
not  what,  and  was  found  stupefied,  lying  in  his  coverlet  in 
front  of  the  chamber  door. 

When  only  four  years  old,  Octavius  lost  his  father ;  and  His  early 
in    his    twelfth   year  he  pronounced   a    funeral    oration   in  hfe- 
praise  of  his  grandmother  Julia.      Four  years  later,  when   ^°"^!'8. 
Octavius  put  on  the  dress  of  manhood,  Caesar  in  his  triumph 

219 


220 


The  Revolution 


Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
iii.  9. 


The  heir  of 
Caesar, 
44  B.C. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
iii.  11. 

(As  the 
adopted  son 
of  Caesar, 
Octavius 
received  the 
name  Gaius 
Julius  Caesar 
Octavianus.) 


Octavianus 
at  Rome. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
iii.  12. 

Suetonius, 
Augustus,  10. 


over  Africa  honored  him  with  several  military  rewards, 
though  on  account  of  his  youth  he  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
war. 

Octavius  was  the  son  of  the  daughter  of  Caesar's  sister. 
He  was  appointed  master  of  Caesar's  horse  for  one  year,  for 
Caesar  at  times  made  this  a  yearly  office,  passing  it  round 
among  his  friends.  While  still  a  young  man,  he  was  sent  by 
Caesar  to  Apollonia  on  the  Adriatic  coast  to  be  educated  and 
trained  in  the  art  of  war,  that  he  might  accompany  Caesar 
on  his  expeditions.  .  .  . 

At  the  end  of  a  six  months'  sojourn  in  Apollonia,  he  re- 
ceived news  one  evening  that  Caesar  had  been  killed  in  the 
senate-house  by  those  who  were  dearest  to  the  dictator,  and 
who  were  at  the  time  the  most  powerful  persons  under 
him. 

When  more  accurate  information  about  the  murder  and 
the  public  grief  had  reached  him,  together  with  copies  of 
Caesar's  will  and  the  decrees  of  the  senate,  his  relatives  still 
cautioned  him,  as  the  adopted  son  and  heir,  to  beware  of 
Caesar's  enemies.  They  even  advised  him  to  renounce  the 
adoption  together  with  the  inheritance.  To  do  this,  how- 
ever, and  not  to  avenge  Caesar,  Octavius  thought  would  be 
disgraceful.  So  he  went  to  Brundisium,  first  sending  in  ad- 
vance to  see  that  none  of  the  murderers  had  laid  any  trap 
for  him.  When  the  army  advanced  to  meet  him  there  and 
received  him  as  Caesar's  son,  he  took  courage,  offered  sacri- 
fice, and  immediately  assumed  the  name  of  Caesar. 

Encouraged  by  the  number  of  persons  who  were  joining 
him,  and  by  the  glory  of  Caesar,  and  by  the  good  will  of  all 
toward  himself,  he  journeyed  to  Rome  with  a  notable  crowd, 
which  like  a  torrent  grew  larger  and  larger -every  day. 

Immediately  after  his  return  from  Apollonia,  he  formed 
the  plan  of  taking  forcible  and  unexpected  measures  against 
Brutus  and  Cassius ;  but  they,  foreseeing  the  danger,  made 
their  escape.  Thereupon  he  resolved  to  proceed  against 
them  in  their"  absence  by  an  appeal  to  the  laws,  and  to  im- 


Octavian'us  221 

peach  them  for  the  murder.  .  .  .  And  that  he  might  carry 
into  effect  his  other  plans  with  greater  authority,  he  declared 
himself  a  candidate  for  the  vacant  place  of  a  tribune  of  the 
people  who  happened  to  die  at  that  time.  This  he  did 
although  he  was  of  a  patrician  family,  and  had  not  yet  been 
in  the  senate.  But  the  consul  Mark  Antony,  from  whom 
he  had  expected  the  greatest  assistance,  opposed  him  in 
his  suit,  and  even  refused  to  do  him  so  much  as  common 
justice,  unless  given  a  large  bribe. 

Presently   news    came   to   Octavius,   through   his   secret  He  gathers 
agents,  that  the  army  at  Brundisium  and  the  colonized  sol-   an  army- 
diers  were  incensed  against  Antony  for  neglecting  to  avenge    cSS/^arj 
the  murder  of  Caesar,  and  that  they  would  assist  Octavius  to   "i-  4°. 
do  so  if  they  could.     For  this  reason  Antony  set  out  for 
Brundisium.     As  Octavius  feared  lest  Antony  might  return 
with  the  army  and  find  him  unprotected,  he  went  to  Cam- 
pania with  money  to  enlist  the  veterans  whom  his  adoptive 
father  had  colonized  in  the  towns  of  that  region. 

He  first  brought  over  Calatia  and  next  Casilinum,  two 
towns  situated  on  either  side  of  Capua ;  to  each  man  he 
gave  five  hundred  drachmas.  He  collected  about  ten  thou- 
sand men,  who  were  not  fully  armed  and  not  mustered  in 
regular  cohorts,  but  who  served  merely  as  a  body-guard  under 
one  banner.  .  .  .  The  senate  now  commissioned  him  with 
the  rank  of  praetor  to  command  the  troops  he  had  gathered, 
and  in  connection  with  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  who  had  accepted  x^e>  p" 
the  consulship,  to  carry  aid  to  Decimus  Brutus.  In  a 
three  months'  campaign  and  in  two  battles  he  put  an  end  to 
the  war.  Antony  writes  that  in  the  earlier  of  these  two 
fights  he  ran  away,  and  two  days  afterward  made  his  appear- 
ance without  his  general's  cloak  or  horse.  In  the  second 
battle,  however,  it  is  certain  that  he  performed  the  part  not 
only  of  a  general,  but  of  a  soldier ;  for  in  the  heat  of  the 
battle,  when  the  standard-bearer  of  his  legion  was  severely 
wounded,  he  took  the  eagle  upon  his  shoulders,  and  carried 
it  a  long  time. 


222 


The   Revolution 


Pansa's 
revelation. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
iii.  75. 


Why  the 
secret  is 
told. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
iii.  76. 


Meantime  Pansa  was  dying  of  his  wound.  Summoning 
Octavius  to  his  side,  he  said : 

"  I  loved  your  father  as  I  did  myself,  yet  I  could  not 
avenge  his  death,  nor  could  I  fail  to  unite  with  the  senators, 
whom  you  have  also  done  well  to  obey,  although  you  have 
an  army. 

"At  first  they  feared  you  and  Antony,  and  especially  the 
latter,  as  he  seemed  to  be  the  one  most  ambitious  to  fill  the 
role  of  Caesar ;  and  they  were  delighted  with  your  dissen- 
sions, for  they  thought  you  would  naturally  destroy  each 
other. 

"  When  they  saw  you  the  master  of  an  army,  they  com- 
plimented you,  as  a  young,  man,  with  specious  and  inexpen- 
sive honors.  But  when  they  discovered  that  you  were 
prouder  and  more  self-restrained  in  respect  to  honors  than 
they  had  supposed,  and  especially  when  you  declined  the 
magistracy  that  your  army  offered  you,  they  were  alarmed, 
and  they  appointed  you  to  the  command  with  us  in  order 
that  we  might  draw  your  two  experienced  legions  away 
from  you ;  for  they  hoped  that  when  one  of  you  was  van- 
quished, the  other  would  be  weakened  and  isolated,  and 
so  the  whole  of  Caesar's  party  would  be  effaced  and  that 
of  Pompey  restored  to  power.     This  is  their  chief  aim. 

"  Hirtius  and  I  did  what  we  were  ordered  to  do,  until  we 
could  humble  Antony,  who  was  much  too  arrogant ;  but  we 
intended  when  he  was  vanquished  to  bring  him  into  alliance 
with  you  and  thus  to  pay  the  debt  of  gratitude  we  owed  to 
Caesar's  friendship,  —  the  only  payment  that  could  be  ser- 
viceable to  Caesar's  party  hereafter.  It  was  not  possible  to 
communicate  this  to  you  before,  but  now  that  Antony  is 
vanquished  and  Hirtius  dead,  and  I  am  about  to  pay  the 
debt  of  nature,  the  time  for  speaking  is  come,  not  that  you 
may  be  grateful  to  me  after  my  death,  but  that  you,  born 
to  a  happy  destiny,  as  your  deeds  proclaim,  may  know 
what  is  for  your  own  interest,  and  know  that  the  course 
taken  by  Hirtius  and  me  was  a  matter  of  necessity. 


A   Cruel  League  223 

"The  army  which  you  yourself  gave  us  should  most  Disposition 
properly  be  given  back  to  you  and  I  do  give  it.  If  you  J^m< 
can  take  and  hold  the  new  levies,  I  will  give  those  also. 
If  they  are  too-  much  in  awe  of  the  senate  —  for  their 
officers  were  sent  to  act  as  spies  upon  us  —  and  if  the 
task  would  be  an  invidious  one,  and  would  create  troubles 
for  you  prematurely,  the  quaestor  Torquatus  will  take  com- 
mand of  them." 

After  speaking  thus,  he  transferred  the  new  levies  to  the 
quaestor,  and  expired.  The  quaestor  transferred  them  to 
Decimus  as  the  senate  had  ordered.  Octavius  sent  the 
bodies  of  Hirtius  and  Pansa  with  honors  to  Rome,  where 
they  received  a  public  funeral. 

When  Antony  even  alone  was  a  hindrance  to  the  public  The  Second 
quiet  and  a  trouble  to  the  state,  Lepidus  joined  with  him  r/te^3-~27 
was  as  one  fire  to  another.     What  could  Octavius  then  do  b.c. 
against  two  armies?     He  was  obliged  to  join   in   a   most  Rome, p. 370.^ 
cruel  league  with   their  leaders.      The  views  of  all  three   Florusiv.6. 
were  different.     The  desire  of  wealth,  of  which  there  was 
a  fair  prospect  from  a  disturbance  of  the  state,  animated 
Lepidus ;    the   hope    of  taking   vengeance   on   those   who 
had  declared  him  an  enemy  instigated  Antony;  the  death 
of  his  father  unavenged,  while  Cassius  and  Brutus  lived, 
offensive  to  his  manes,  actuated  Octavius. 

With  a  view  to  a  confederacy  for  these  objects,  the  three 
generals  made  peace  with  one  another.  .  .  .  Following  an 
evil  precedent,  they  formed  a  triumvirate ;  and  after  subdu- 
ing the  state  by  force  of  arms,  they  revived  the  proscriptions 
which  Sulla  had  introduced.  Their  fury  reached  no  fewer 
than  a  hundred  and  forty  senators.  Even  many  who  had 
fled  to  various  parts  of  the  world  were  put  to  death  in  a 
way  so  shocking,  so  cruel,  and  so  mournful,  that  no  one  can 
sufficiently  lament  the  brutality. 

Antony  proscribed  Lucius  Caesar,  his  own  uncle  ;  Lepidus  The  pro- 
proscribed  Lucius  Paulus,  his  own  brother.     It  was  now  a  scnp  lons' 
common  practice  to  expose  the  heads  of  the  slain  on  the 


224 


The  Revolution 


Brutus  and 
Cassius. 

Florus  iv.  7. 


The  battle 
of  Philippi, 
42  B.C. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 


rostra  at  Rome ;  nevertheless  the  city  could  not  refrain 
from  tears  when  the  head  of  Cicero,  severed  from  the  body, 
was  seen  on  the  very  rostra  he  had  made  his  own.  .  .  . 
These  atrocities  proceeded  from  the  lists  of  Antony  and 
Lepidus.  Octavius  was  content  with  proscribing  the  assas- 
sins of  his  father ;  their  deaths,  had  they  been  fewer,  might 
have  been  thought  just. 

To  escape  the  eye  of  public  grief,  Brutus  and  Cassius 
withdrew  into  Syria  and  Macedonia,  —  the  very  provinces 
assigned  to  them  by  Caesar  whom  they  had  slain.  In  this 
way  they  delayed  rather  than  smothered  vengeance  for 
Caesar. 

After  the  triumvirs  had  regulated  the  government  rather 
as  they  could  than  as  they  should,  they  left  Lepidus  to  guard 
the  city,  while  Octavius  and  Antony  prepared  for  war  against 
Cassius  and  Brutus.  Having  collected  vast  forces,  these  two 
senatorial  leaders  had  taken  post  on  the  same  ground  that 
had  been  so  fatal  to  Gnseus  Pompey. 

As  the  camp  was  in  a  strong  position,  a  few  men  only 
guarded  it ;  for  this  reason  Antony  easily  overcame  them. 
The  soldiers  of  Cassius  outside  the  camp  were  already 
worsted,  and  when  they  saw  that  the  camp  was  taken,  they 
scattered  in  disorderly  flight.  As  Cassius  was  driven  from 
his  fortifications  and  no  longer  had  a  camp  to  go  to,  he 
ascended  the  hill  to  Philippi  and  took  a  survey  of  the  situ- 
ation. On  account  of  the  dust  he  could  not  see  accurately 
nor  could  he  see  everything ;  but  discovering  that  his  own 
camp  was  captured,  he  ordered  Pindarus,  his  shield-bearer, 
to  draw  his  sword  and  kill  him.  While  Pindarus  delayed, 
a  messenger  ran  up  and  said  that  Brutus  had  won  on  the  other 
wing  and  was  ravaging  the  enemy's  camp.  Cassius  merely 
said,  "  Tell  him  I  pray  his  victory  may  be  complete."  Then 
turning  to  Pindarus,  he  said,  "What  are  you  waiting  for? 
Why  do  you  not  deliver  me  from  my  shame?  "  Then  as  he 
presented  his  throat,  Pindarus  killed  him. 

(Some  time  before  the  battles   at   Philippi)   Brutus  was 


Caesar's  Ghost 


225 


lying  by  night  in  his  tent,  as  was  his  custom,  not  asleep,  but 
thinking  about  the  future ;  for  it  is  said  that  of  all  generals 
he  was  least  given  to  sleep,  and  had  naturally  the  power  of 
keeping  awake  longer  than  any  other  person.  Thinking  that 
he  heard  a  noise  near  the  door,  he  looked  toward  the  light 
of  the  lamp,  which  was  already  sinking  down,  and  saw  a 
frightful  vision  of  a  man  of  unusual  size  and  savage  counte- 
nance. At  first  he  was  startled  ;  but  observing  that  the  figure 
neither  moved  nor  spoke,  but  was  standing  silent  by  the  bed, 
he  asked,  "Who  are  you?"  The  phantom  replied,  "Thy 
evil  spirit,  Brutus ;  and  thou  shalt  see  me  at  Philippi." 
Thereupon  Brutus  boldly  replied,  "  I  shall  see  " ;  and  the 
spirit  disappeared.  ...  As  he  was  preparing  to  fight  the 
second  battle,  the  phantom  appeared  again  by  night,  without 
speaking  to  him  ;  but  Brutus,  perceiving  his  fate,  threw  him- 
self headlong  into  the  midst  of  danger.  He  did  not  fall  in 
battle,  however,  but  when  the  rout  began,  he  fled  to  a  steep 
place,  where  he  threw  himself  on  his  bare  sword,  a  friend 
gave  strength  to  the  blow,  and  he  died. 

After  the  death  of  Cassius  and  Brutus,  Octavius  returned 
to  Italy.  Antony  proceeded  to  Asia,  where  he  met  Cleo- 
patra, queen  of  Egypt.  .  .  . 

After  his  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  he  was  dis- 
gusted with  war  and  lived  at  ease.  In  this  period  he  fell  in 
love  with  Cleopatra,  and  as  if  his  affairs  were  quite  prosper- 
ous, he  enjoyed  himself  in  the  queen's  company. 

The  Egyptian  woman  demanded  of  the  drunken  general, 
as  the  price  of  her  love,  nothing  less  than  the  Roman  em- 
pire. This  gift  Antony  promised  her,  as  though  the  Romans 
were  easier  to  conquer  than  the  Parthians.  He  therefore 
aspired  to  the  sovereignty,  not  secretly,  but  forgetting  his 
country,  his  name,  toga,  and  fasces,  and  degenerating  wholly 
in  thought,  feeling,  and  dress,  into  a  monster.  In  his  hand 
was  a  golden  sceptre,  and  a  simitar  by  his  side.  His  robe 
was  of  purple  clasped  with  enormous  jewels;  and  he  wore  a 
diadem  that  he  might  dally  with  the  queen  as  a  king. 
Q 


Brutus  sees 
the  Ghost  of 
Caesar. 


Plutarch, 
Ccesar,  69. 


Antony  and 
Cleopatra. 

Appian, 
Civil  Wars, 
v.  1. 

Florus  iv.  11. 


(Or  scimitar, 
an  Oriental 
sword.) 


226 


The  Revolution 


The  battle 
off  Actiura, 
31  B.C. 


The  end  of 
Antony  and 
Cleopatra. 


At  the  first  report  of  these  proceedings,  Caesar  (Octa- 
vianus)  had  crossed  the  sea  from  Brundisium  to  meet  the 
approaching  war.  .  .  .  We  had  more  than  four  hundred 
vessels,  the  enemy  about  two  hundred,  but  the  size  of  the 
enemy's  ships  made  up  for  their  inferiority  in  number.  With 
from  six  to  nine  banks  of  oars,  mounted  with  towers  and 
high  decks,  they  moved  along  like  castles  and  cities ;  the 
seas  groaned  under  them  and  the  wind  was  fatigued. 

Their  great  size,  however,  was  their  destruction.  Caesar's 
vessels  had  from  three  to  six  banks  of  oars  but  no  more. 
Ready  for  all  that  necessity  required,  whether  for  charging, 
retreating,  or  wheeling  round,  they  attacked  several  of  those 
heavy  vessels  at  a  time.  In  these  encounters  Caesar's  men 
hurled  missiles  and  rammed  with  the  beaks  of  their  ships ; 
they  threw  fire-brands  into  the  enemy's  vessels  and  dispersed 
them  at  pleasure.  The  greatness  of  the  enemy's  force  was 
shown  by  nothing  so  much  as  by  what  happened  after  the 
victory.  Shattered  in  the  engagement,  the  vast  fleet  spread 
the  spoils  of  Arabs,  Sabaeans,  and  a  thousand  other  Asiatic 
nations  over  the  whole  face  of  the  deep.  The  waves,  driven 
onward  by  the  winds,  continually  threw  up  purple  and  gold 
on  the  shore. 

The  queen  began  the  flight ;  she  made  off  into  the  open 
sea  with  her  gilded  vessel  and  sails  of  purple.  Antony 
immediately  followed. 

But  Caesar  pursued  hard  on  their  track.  .  .  .  First  Antony 
raised  his  sword  against  himself.  The  queen,  falling  at 
Caesar's  feet,  tempted  his  eyes  in  vain,  for  her  charms  were 
too  weak  to  overcome  the  prince's  self-restraint.  Her  suit 
was  not  for  life,  which  he  offered  her,  but  for  a  portion  of 
the  kingdom.  As  she  despaired  of  obtaining  this  from 
Caesar,  and  saw  that  she  was  reserved  for  his  triumph,  she 
took  advantage  of  the  negligence  of  her  guard,  and  with- 
drew into  a  mausoleum,  as  the  sepulchre  of  a  king  is  called. 
There  after  putting  on  her  best  apparel  .  .  .  she  placed  her- 
self by  her  dear  Antony  in  a  coffin  filled  with  rich  perfumes, 


Ik 


Belief  in  the  Gods  227 

and  applying  serpents  to  her  veins,  she  died  a  death  like 
sleep. 

POETRY  OF  THE  AGE 
Tell  my  Sister 

Soldier,  that  fliest  from  thy  comrade's  fall,  <<  j  ^g^  t 

Though  weak  and  wounded  'neath  Perusia's  wall;  had  died -in 

Heed  not  my  dying  groan,  nor  weep  for  me,  battle." 

For  I  am  but  a  soldier  like  to  thee.  Propertius  i. 

But  to  my  sister  the  sad  tale  deplore  —  2I« 

So  mayst  thou  glad  thy  parent's  heart  once  more  —  (Perusia, 

How  Callus  'scaped  from  Caesar's  armed  bands,  ^ truria  was 

To  fall  unhonored  here  by  felon's  hands.  Caesaf6      ^ 

If  o'er  the  Tuscan  wold  she  haply  see  Octavianus, 

Some  scattered  bones,  'tis  all  she'll  find  of  me.  41-40  B.C.) 

The  Origin  of  Belief  in  the  Gods 

And  now  what  cause  has  spread  over  great  nations  the   « why  build 

worship  of  the  divinities  of  the  gods,  and  filled  towns  with  altarf  a°d 
,   ,    1  ,  r  r  1     •  temples?" 

altars,  and  led  to  the  performance  of  stated  rites,  —  rites   L 

now  in  fashion  on  solemn  occasions  and  in  solemn  places,    On  the  No- 

from  which  even  now  is  implanted  in  mortals  a  shuddering  u^-0°/iJhr 

awe  which  raises  new  temples  of  the  gods  over  the  whole 

earth,  and  prompts  men  to  crowd  them  on  festive  days,  all 

this  is  not  so  difficult  to  explain  in  words. 

In  sooth  the  races  of  mortal  men  would  see  in  waking  "Our 

mind  glorious  forms,  would  see  them  in  sleep  of  yet  more  JJsS°(i)  on 

marvellous  size  of  body.     To  these  forms  they  would  attribute   dreams, 

sense,  because  they  seemed  to  move  their  limbs  and  to  utter 

lofty  words  suitable  to  their  glorious  aspect  and  surpassing 

powers.     And  men  would  attribute  to  them  life  everlasting, 

because  their  face  would  ever  appear  and  their  form  abide  ; 

yes,  and  yet  without  all  this  reasoning,  because  men  would 

not  believe  that  beings  possessed   of  such   powers   could 

lightly  be  overcome  by  any  force.     They  would  believe  such 

beings  to  be  preeminent  in  bliss,  because  none  of  them  was 

ever  troubled  with  fear  of  death,  and  because  at  the  same 


228 


The  Revolution 


(2)  on 
observing 
the  activi- 
ties of 
nature." 


"Why 
do  we  wor- 
ship ?  " 


"  Doubts 
that  trouble 
us." 


time  in  sleep  persons  would  see  them  perform  many  miracles, 
without  feeling  fatigue  from  the  effort. 

Again  men  would  see  the  system  of  heaven  and  the  differ- 
ent seasons  of  the  year  come  round  in  regular  succession, 
and  could  not  find  out  by  what  causes  this  was  done ;  there- 
fore they  would  seek  a  refuge  in  handing  over  all  things  to 
the  gods,  and  in  supposing  all  things  to  be  guided  by  their 
nod.  And  they  placed  in  heaven  the  abodes  and  realms  of 
the  gods,  because  night  and  moon  are  seen  to  roll  through 
heaven,  —  moon,  day,  and  night,  and  night's  austere  con- 
stellations, and  night-wandering  meteors  of  the  sky,  and 
flying  bodies  of  flame,  clouds,  sun,  rains,  snow,  winds,  light- 
nings, hail,  and  rapid  rumblings,  and  loud  threatful  thunder- 
claps. 

O  hapless  race  of  men,  when  they  charged  the  gods  with 
such  acts  and  coupled  with  them  bitter  wrath  !  what  groan- 
ings  did  they  then  beget  for  themselves,  what  wounds  for 
us,  what  tears  for  their  children's  children  !  No  act  is  it  of 
piety  to  be  often  seen,  with  veiled  head,  to  look  to  a  stone 
and  approach  every  altar  and  fall  prostrate  on  the  ground 
and  spread  out  the  palms  before  the  statues  of  the  gods  and 
sprinkle  the  altars  with  much  blood  of  beasts  and  link  vow 
on  vow,  but  rather  to  be  able  to  view  all  things  with  mind 
at  peace. 

For  when  we  turn  our  gaze  on  the  heavenly  quarters  of 
the  great  upper  world  and  ether,  fast  above  the  glittering 
stars,  and  direct  our  thoughts  to  the  courses  of  the  sun  and 
moon,  then  into  our  breasts  burdened  with  other  ills,  that 
fear  as  well  begins  to  exalt  its  reawakened  head,  the  fear 
that  we  may  haply  find  the  power  of  the  gods  to  be  unlimited, 
able  to  wheel  the  bright  stars  in  their  unvaried  motion ;  for 
lack  of  power  to  solve  the  question  troubles  the  mind  with 
doubts,  whether  there  was  ever  a  birth- time  of  the  world, 
and  whether  likewise  there  is  to  be  any  end ;  how  far  the 
walls  of  the  world  can  endure  this  strain  of  restless  motion  ; 
or  whether  gifted  by  the  grace  of  the  gods  with  an  everlasting 


Origin   of  Music  229 

existence,  they  may  glide  on  through  a  never-ending  tract 
of  time  and  defy  the  strong  powers  of  immeasurable  ages. 

Again  who  is  there  whose  mind  does  not  shrink  into  itself  Religious 
with  fear  of  the  gods,  whose  limbs  do  not  cower  with  terror,  fear> 
when  the  parched  earth  rocks  with  the  appalling  thunder- 
stroke and  rattlings  run  through  the  great  heaven  ?  Do  not 
peoples  and  nations  quake,  and  proud  monarchs  shrink  into 
themselves,  smitten  with  fear  of  the  gods,  lest  for  any  foul 
transgression  or  overweening  word  the  heavy  time  of  reckon- 
ing has  arrived  at  its  fulness  ?  When  too  the  utmost  fury  of 
the  headstrong  wind  passes  over  the  sea,  and  sweeps  over 
its  waters  does  not  the  commander  of  the  fleet,  together 
with  his  mighty  legions  and  elephants,  draw  near  with 
vows,  to  seek  the  mercy  of  the  gods  and  ask  in  prayer  with 
fear  and  trembling  a  lull  in  the  winds,  and  propitious  gales? 
But  all  in  vain,  for  often  caught  up  in  the  furious  hurricane, 
he  is  borne  none  the  less  to  the  shoals  of  death;  so  con- 
stantly does  some  hidden  power  trample  on  human  grandeur, 
and  is  seen  to  tread  under  its  heel,  and  make  sport  for  itself, 
the  renowned  rods  and  cruel  axes. 

Again  when  the  whole  earth  rocks  under  their  feet,  and 
towns  tumble  with  the  shock,  or  doubtfully  threaten  to  fall, 
what  wonder  that  mortal  men  abase  themselves  and  make 
over  to  the  gods,  in  things  here  on  earth,  high  prerogatives 
and  marvellous  powers,  sufficient  to  govern  all  things  ? 

Mankind's  First  Music 

Imitating  with  the  mouth  the  clear  notes  of  birds  was  in  An  imitation 
use,  and  gave  pleasure  to  the  ear,  long  before  men  were  of  nature- 
able  to  sing  in  tune  smooth-running  verses.  And  the  whis- 
tlings of  the  zephyr  through  the  hollow  reeds  first  taught 
peasants  to  blow  into  hollow  stalks.  Then  step  by  step  they 
learned  sweet  plaintive  ditties,  which  the  pipe  pours  forth 
when  pressed  by  the  fingers  of  the  players  —  heard  through 
pathless  woods  and  forests  and  lawns,  through  the  unfre- 


230 


The  Revolution 


quented  haunts  of  shepherds  and  abodes  of  unearthly  calm. 
These  things  would  soothe  and  gratify  their  minds  when  they 
were  sated  with  food ;  for  then  all  things  of  this  kind  are 
welcome. 

Often  therefore  stretched  in  groups  on  the  soft  grass  be- 
side a  stream  of  water,  under  the  boughs  of  a  high  tree,  they 
at  no  great  cost  would  pleasantly  refresh  their  bodies,  —  above 
all  when  the  weather  smiled  and  the  seasons  of  the  year 
painted  the  green  grass  with  flowers.  Then  went  round  the 
jest,  the  tale,  the  peals  of  merry  laughter ;  for  the  peasant 
muse  was  then  in  its  glory ;  then  frolic  mirth  would  prompt 
to  entwine  head  and  shoulders  with  garlands  plaited  with 
flowers  and  leaves,  and  to  advance  in  the  dance  out  of  step, 
and  move  the  limbs  clumsily  and  with  clumsy  foot  beat 
mother  earth ;  this  would  cause  smiles  and  peals  of  merry 
laughter,  because  all  these  things  then,  from  their  greater 
novelty,  were  in  high  repute. 


"  Don't 
smile  to 
show  your 
teeth." 

Catullus,  39. 
(A  funeral 
pile.) 


The  Man  with  White  Teeth 

Because  Egnatius'  teeth  are  nicely  white, 

To  grin  and  show  them  is  his  sole  delight. 

If  haply  at  some  trial  he  appear, 

Where  eloquence  commands  the  gushing  tear, 

He  grins.  —  If,  at  a  pile,  the  duteous  son, 

The  childless  mother  weeps,  for  ever  gone, 

He  grins.  —  In  short,  whate'er  the  time  or  place, 

Do  as  he  may,  the  grin  still  marks  his  face : 

'Tis  his  disease;  and  speaking  as  I  feel, 

I  cannot  call  it  decent  or  genteel. 


"  Is  my 
farm  at 
Tibur  or  in 
Sabina?  " 

Catullus,  44. 


To  My  Farm 
(Complaining  of  Sextius'  Trashy  Oration) 
Whether,  my  farm,  the  Sabine  bounds 
Or  Tibur  hold  thy  peaceful  grounds; 

—  For  those  who  love  me  like  a  friend 
Call  thee  of  Tibur;   those  who  come 
To  vex  my  pride,  with  any  sum 

That  thou  art  Sabine  will  contend.  — 


To  my  Farm  231 

But  whether  that,  or  truly  classed 

'Mong  Tibur's  lands,  well  pleased  I've  passed 

Some  days  in  thy  sequestered  seat. 
Thou  from  my  loaded  breast  hast  driven 
A  cough  my  stomach's  sins  had  given, 

Deserved  by  many  a  costly  treat. 

And  when  I  plainly  hoped  to  feed 
As  Sextius'  guest,  my  host  would  read 

His  speech  'gainst  Attius,  made  of  old. 
'Twas  full  of  poison  and  disease; 
It  made  me  shiver,  made  me  sneeze,  "  His  speech 

And  gave  me  a  bad  cough  and  cold.  gave  me  a 

cold." 

At  length  I  fled  into  thy  breast; 
And  there  with  medicine  and  rest 

Have  cured  myself  in  little  time : 
So  now  in  health  and  spirits  gay, 
My  warmest  thanks  to  thee  I  pay, 

Who  thus  hast  done  away  my  crime. 

And  when  I  e'er  again  shall  go 

To  hear  his  works,  may  they  bestow 

Their  cough  and  cold,  not  on  my  head, 
But  upon  Sextius'  self,  who  ne'er 
Asks  me  to  sup,  but  when  the  fare 

Is  hearing  his  own  nonsense  read ! 


STUDIES 

1.  Give  an  account  of  the  early  life  of  Octavius.  How  did  Caesar 
regard  him  ? 

2.  After  Caesar's  death,  how  did  Octavius  (now  Caesar  Octavianus) 
win  an  influential  place  at  Rome  ?  What  traits  of  character  does  his 
conduct  show  ? 

3.  What  are  the  chief  facts  said  to  have  been  divulged  to  him  by 
Pansa  ?     How  did  this  revelation  influence  his  policy  ? 

4.  Explain  the  origin  and  policy  of  the  Second  Triumvirate.  Were 
the  new  proscriptions  wise  ?  Was  the  connection  of  Caesar  Octavianus 
with,  these  proceedings  blameless  ? 

5.  Why  did  Cassius  commit  suicide  ?  Did  Brutus  really  see  a  ghost, 
or  was  the  trouble  in  his  own  mind  ?     Is  there  any  sign  that  he  was 


232  The  Revolution 

sorry  for  having  helped  kill  Caesar  ?     Were  the  suicides  of  Cassius  and 
Brutus  beneficial  to  Rome  ? 

6.  Describe  the  battle  of  Actium.  What  resulted  from  the  victory 
of  Caesar  Octavianus  ? 

7.  How  did  the  leading  Romans  of  the  last  period  of  the  republic 
differ  from  those  who  lived  in  the  time  of  the  Punic  Wars  ? 

8.  Explain  the  poem,  "  Tell  my  Sister."  Who  was  the  author  (cf. 
ch.  i)? 

9.  Who  was  Lucretius  (cf.  ch.  i)?  What  in  his  opinion  was  the 
origin  of  the  religion  of  his  countrymen  ?  Does  he  consider  their 
religion  good  or  bad  ?  What  doubts  troubled  his  countrymen  ?  What 
caused  religious  fear  ?  What  in  his  opinion  was  the  first  music  of 
mankind  ? 

10.  Who  was  Catullus  (cf.  ch.  i)  ?  What  was  wrong  about  the 
smile  of  Egnatius  ?  Why  did  the  poet  prefer  Tibur  to  the  Sabine 
country  ?  What  quality  of  his  friend's  oration  gave  the  poet  a  cold  ? 
How  did  he  recover  from  it  ? 


CHAPTER    IX 


The  Julian  Emperors 


AUGUSTUS 


Ode  to  Augustus 

How  shall  the  Fathers,  how 

Shall  the  Quiritians,  O  Augustus,  now, 

Intent  their  honors  in  no  niggard  wise 
Upon  thee  to  amass, 
By  storied  scroll,  or  monumental  brass 

Thy  virtues  eternise? 


Horace, 
Odes,  iv.  14. 

(Quiritians, 
Quirites,  p. 
38.) 


O  thou  who  art,  wherever  shines  the  sun 

On  lands  where  man  a  dwelling-place  hath  won, 

Of  princes  greatest  far, 
Thee  the  Vindelici,  who  ever  spurned 
Our  Latin  rule,  of  late  have  learned 

To  know  supreme  in  war  ! 


(Vindelici, 
a  tribe  on 
the  Danube, 
conquered 
by  Drusus 
and  Tibe- 
rius.) 


For  'twas  with  soldiers  thou  hadst  formed, 

That  Drusus,  greatly  resolute, 
On  many  a  hard-worn  field  o'erthrew  the  wild 

Genaunians,  and  the  Breuni  fleet  of  foot, 
And  all  their  towering  strongholds  stormed, 
On  Alps  tremendous  piled. 


(Genaunians 
and  Breuni, 
tribes  of 
Raetia,  a 
country 
north  of 
Italy.) 


Anon  to  deadliest  fight 

The  elder  Nero  pressed, 

And  by  auspicious  omens  blessed, 
Scattered  the  giant  Raetian  hordes  in  flight, 

Himself  that  glorious  day, 

The  foremost  in  the  fray. 

233 


(Tiberius 

Claudius 

Nero, 

afterward 

emperor.) 


234 


The  Julian   Emperors 


(Austcr,  the 
south  wind. 
"  Pleiad 
choir,"  a 
constella- 
tion.) 


With  havoc  dire  did  he 
O'erwhelm  that  banded  crowd 
Of  hearts  in  stern  devotion  vowed 

To  die  or  to  be  free  ! 
Like  Auster  lashing  into  ire 

The  tameless  ocean  waves,  when  through 
The  driving  rack  the  Pleiad  choir 

Flash  suddenly  in  view, 
So  furiously  he  dashed 

Upon  his  serried  foes, 

And  where  the  balefires  thickest  rose, 
With  foaming  war-steed  crashed. 


(Aufidus,  a 

river  of 

Apulia. 

Daunus, 

mythical 

king  of 

Apulia.) 


As  bull-shaped  Aufidus,  who  laves 

Apulian  Daunus'  realm, 
Is  whirled  along,  when  o'er  his  banks 
He  eddies  and  he  raves, 

Designing  to  o'erwhelm 
The  cultured  fields  with  deluge  and  dismay, 
So  Claudius  swept  the  iron  ranks 

Of  the  barbarian  host, 
And  where  from  van  to  rear  he  clove  his  way, 
Along  his  track  the  mangled  foemen  lay, 

Nor  did  one  squadron  lost 
The  lustre  dim  of  that  victorious  fray. 


(Alexandria 
surrendered, 
30  B.C.      A 
lustrum, 
"  lustre,"  is 
five  years.) 


(Canta- 
brians,  a 
fierce 
Spanish 
tribe.) 


But  thine  the  legions  were,  and  thine 
The  counsels,  and  the  auspices  divine, 

For  on  the  self-same  day 
That  suppliant  Alexandria  had  flung 

Her  port  and  empty  palace  wide  to  thee, 

Did  fortune,  who  since  then  through  lustres  three 
Had  to  thy  banners  smiling  clung, 
Bring  our  long  wars  to  a  triumphant  close, 

And  for  thee  proudly  claim 

The  honor  long  desired,  the  glorious  fame 
Of  countless  vanquished  foes, 
And  vanquished  empires  bowed  in  homage  to  thy  sway ! 

Thee  the  Cantabrian  unsubdued  till  now, 
The  Mede,  the  Indian,  —  thee 
The  Scythian  roaming  free, 


A  Hymn  of  Victory  235 

Unwedded  to  a  home, 
With  wondering  awe  obey, 
0  mighty  Caesar,  thou 
Of  Italy  and  sovereign  Rome 
The  present  shield,  the  guardian,  and  the  stay ! 
Thee  Nile,  who  hides  from  mortal  eyes 
The  springs  where  he  doth  rise, 

Thee  Ister,  arrowy  Tigris  thee,  (Isteri  the 

Thee,  too,  the  monster-spawning  sea,  Danube.) 

Which  round  far  Britain's  islands  breaks  in  foam, 
Thee  Gallia,  whom  no  form  of  death  alarms, 
Iberia  thee,  through  all  her  swarms 

Of  rugged  warriors  hears;  (Sicam- 

Thee  the  Sicambrian,  who  brians,  a 

Delights  in  carnage,  too,  German 

Now  laying  down  his  arms,  ribe.) 

Submissively  reveres ! 

After  the  destruction  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  there  was  no  Augustus 
longer  an  army  of  the  republic;    (the    younger)   Pompey  ^^ad7 
was  crushed  in  Sicily,  Lepidus  was   pushed  aside,  Antony  Tacitus 
was   killed,  and  even  the  Julian  party  had  Caesar    (Octa-  Annals',  i.  2. 
vianus)  only  to  lead  it.     Then  dropping  the  title  of  Trium- 
vir, and  announcing  that  he  was  a  consul,  and  was  satisfied 
with  the  tribunician  authority  for  the  protection  of  the  people, 
Augustus  won  over  the  soldiers  with  gifts,  the  populace  with 
cheap  corn,  and  all  men  with  the  sweets  of  repose,  and  so 
grew  greater  by  degrees,  while  he  concentrated  in  himself 
the   functions   of    the    senate,   the    magistrates,    and    the 
laws. 

No  one  opposed  him ;  for  the  boldest  spirits  had  fallen  in  No  opposi- 
battle  or  in  the  proscription.  As  to  the  surviving  nobles,  the 
readier  they  were  to  be  slaves,  the  higher  they  were  raised 
by  wealth  and  promotion  in  office ;  so  that,  aggrandised  by 
revolution,  they  preferred  the  safety  of  the  present  to  the 
dangerous  past.  And  the  provinces  did  not  dislike  the  con- 
dition of  affairs,  for  they  distrusted  the  government  of  the 
senate  and  people,  because  of  the  rivalries  among  the  lead- 
ing men  and  the  rapacity  of  the  officials ;  the  protection, 


tion. 


236 


The  Julian  Emperors 


His  achieve- 
ments. 

His 
triumphs. 

Augustus, 
Deeds,  4. 
(An  inscrip- 
tion.) 


His  censor- 
ship. 

Augustus, 
Deeds,  8. 
(Tiberius 
Caesar,  after- 
ward em- 
peror.   For 
lustration, 
see  p.  128.) 


Gaius  and 

Lucius 

Caesar. 

Augustus, 
Deeds,  14. 


Colonies. 


too,  of  the  laws  was  unavailing,  as  they  were  continually 
deranged  by  violence,  intrigue,  and  corruption. 

(Augustus  himself  tells  us  of  his  most  notable  deeds.) 

On  account  of  enterprises  which  I,  or  my  lieutenants 
under  my  auspices,  brought  to  a  successful  issue  by  land  and 
sea,  the  senate  fifty-five  times  decreed  a  thanksgiving  to 
the  immortal  gods.  The  number  of  days,  moreover,  on 
which  thanksgiving  was  rendered  in  accordance  with  the 
decree  of  the  senate  was  eight  hundred  and  ninety.  In  my 
triumph  nine  kings  or  children  of  kings  have  been  led  before 
my  chariot.  When  I  wrote  these  words  I  had  been  thirteen 
times  consul,  and  was  in  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  the  tribu- 
nician  power. 

In  my  fifth  consulship,  by  order  of  the  people  and  the 
senate,  I  increased  the  number  of  the  patricians.  Three 
times  I  have  revised  the  list  of  the  senators.  .  .  .  Assuming 
the  consular  power  a  third  time  in  the  consulship  of  Sextus 
Pompey  and  Sextus  Apuleius,  with  Tiberius  Caesar  as  col- 
league, I  performed  the  lustration.  At  this  lustration  the 
number  of  Roman  citizens  was  four  millions  nine  hundred 
and  thirty-seven  thousand.  By  new  legislation  I  have  re- 
stored many  customs  of  our  ancestors  which  had  begun  to 
fall  into  disuse,  and  have  also  committed  to  posterity  many 
examples  worthy  of  imitation. 

My  sons,  the  Caesars  Gaius  and  Lucius,  whom  fortune 
snatched  from  me  in  their  youth,  the  senate  and  people,  in 
order  to  do  me  honor,  designated  as  consuls  in  the  fifteenth 
year  of  each,  intending  that  they  should  enter  upon  that 
magistracy  after  five  years.  And  the  senate  decreed  that 
from  the  day  on  which  they  were  introduced  into  the  Forum 
they  should  share  in  the  public  counsels.  Moreover  the 
whole  body  of  the  Roman  knights  gave  them  the  title 
"princes  of  the  youth,"  and  presented  to  each  a  silver 
buckler  and  spear. 

For  the  lands  which  in  my  fourth  consulship,  and  after- 
ward in  the  consulship  of  Marcus  Crassus  and  Gnaeus  Lentu- 


The  Deeds  of  Augu 


lus,  the  augur,  I  assigned  to  soldiers,  I  paid  money  to  the   Augustus, 
municipia.      The  sum  which  I  paid  for  Italian  farms  was    (Sesterce," 
about  six  hundred  million  sesterces,  and  that  for  lands  in   a  silver  coin 
the  provinces  was  about  two  hundred   and  sixty  millions,   five  cents.) 
Of  all  those  who  have  established  colonies  of  soldiers   in 
Italy  or  in  the  provinces  I  am  the  first  and  only  0e  within 
the  memory  of  my  age  to  pay  mon^y  for  land. 

Four  times  I  aided  the  public   treasury  from   my  own  The 
means,  giving  one  hundred  and  fifty  million  sesterces.     And  treasury- 
in  the  consulship  of  Marcus  Lepidus  and  Lucius  Arruntius  ^"f^st~' 
I  paid  into  the  military  treasury  which  was  established  by  my 
advice,  —  that  from  it  gratuities  might  be  given  soldiers  who 
had  served  a  term  of  twenty  or  more  years,  —  one  hundred 
and  seventy  million  sesterces  from  my  own  estate. 

In  my  sixth  and  seventh  consulships,  when  I  had  put  an  eSd  The  republic 
to  the  civil  wars,  after  having  obtained  complete  control  of   restored(-) 
affairs  by  universal  consent,  I  transferred  the  commonwealth  ^"f^st^ 
from  my  own  dominion  to  the  authority  of  the  senate  and 
Roman  people.      In  return  for  this  favor  on  my  part,   I 
received  by  decree  of  the  senate  the  title  Augustus;  the 
door-posts  of  my  house  were  publicly  decked  with  laurels,  a 
civic  crown  was  fixed  above  my  door,  and   in   the  Julian    (Julian  sen- 
curia  was  placed  a  golden  shield,  which  by  its  inscriptions  ate-house-) 
bore  witness  that  it  was  given  me  by  the  senate  and  the 
Roman  people  on  account  of  my  valor,  clemency,  justice, 
and  piety.     After  that  time  I  excelled  all  others  in  dignity, 
but  of  power  I  held  no  more  than  those  also  held  who  were 
my  colleagues  in  any  magistracy. 

(In  his  public  works  Augustus  showed  the  true  Roman  Public 
spirit.)     The  Greek  cities  are  thought  to  have  flourished  works- 
mainly  on  account  of  the    happy  choice   made   by   their   Strabo  v.  3. 8. 
founders,  the  beauty  or  strength  of  their  sites,  their  near- 
ness to  some  port,  and  the  excellence  of  the  country.     But 
Roman  prudence  was  more  particularly  employed  on  matters 
which  had  received  but  little  attention  from  the  Greeks, 
such  as  paving  their  roads,  building  aqueducts,  and  sewers 


238 


The  Julian   Emperors 


The  Campuf 
Martius. 


Funeral 
monuments. 

(It  is  in  fact 
the  northern 
part  of  the 
same  plain.) 


to  convey  the  sewage  of  the  city  into  the  Tiber.  In  fact 
they  have  paved  the  roads,  cut  through  hills,  and  filled  up 
valleys,  that  merchandise  may  be  conveyed  by  wagon  from 
the  ports.  The  sewers,  arched  over  with  hewn  stones,  are 
large  enough  in  some  parts  for  wagons  loaded  with  hay  to 
pass  through  ;  while  so  plentiful  is  the  supply  of  water  from 
the  aqueducts  that  rivers  may  be  said  to  flow  through  the 
city  and  the  sewers,  and  almost  every  house  is  furnished 
with  water-pipes  and  copious  fountains.  This  water-supply 
is  largely  the  work  of  Marcus  Agrippa.  Many  ornaments, 
too,  he  bestowed  on  the  city. 

It  may  be  well  to  say  that  the  ancients,  occupied  with 
greater  and  more  pressing  affairs,  paid  little  attention  to 
beautifying  Rome.  But  their  successors,  and  especially 
those  of  our  day,  without  neglecting  necessary  matters,  have 
at  the  same  time  embellished  the  city  with  many  splendid 
objects.  Pompey,  divine  Caesar,  and  Augustus,  with  his 
children,  friends,  wife,  and  sister,  have  zealously  surpassed 
all  others  in  the  munificence  of  these  decorations.  The 
greater  number  of  improvements  may  be  seen  in  the  Campus 
Martius,  which  to  the  beauties  of  nature  adds  those  of  art. 
The  remarkable  size  of  the  plain  permits  chariot-races  and 
other  feats  of  horsemanship  without  hindrance,  and  allows 
multitudes  to  exercise  themselves  at  ball,  in  the  circus,  and 
in  the  palestra.  The  buildings  which  surround  it,  the  turf 
covered  with  herbage  all  the  year  round,  the  hilltops  beyond 
the  Tiber,  extending  from  its  banks  like  a  panorama,  present 
a  view  which  the  eye  abandons  with  regret. 

Near  this  plain  is  another  surrounded  with  columns, 
sacred  groves,  three  theatres,  an  amphitheatre,  and  superb 
temples  close  to  one  another.  So  magnificent  is  the  place 
that  it  would  seem  idle  to  describe  the  rest  of  the  city  after 
it.  For  this  reason  the  Romans,  esteeming  it  the  most 
sacred  place,  have  there  erected  funeral  monuments  to  the 
most  illustrious  persons  of  both  sexes.  The  most  remark- 
able of  these  monuments  is  the  Mausoleum,  which  consists 


Public  Works 


239 


of  a  mound  of  earth  raised  on  a  high  foundation  of  white 

marble,  situated  near  the  river  and  covered  to  the  top  with 

evergreen  shrubs.     On  the  summit  is  a  bronze  statue  of 

Caesar  Augustus,  and  beneath  the  mound  are  the  ashes  of 

himself,  his  relatives,  and  friends.     Behind  is  a  large  grove 

with  charming  promenades.     In  the  centre  of  the  plain  is 

the  spot  where  the  body  of  this  prince  was  reduced  to  ashes  ; 

it  is  surrounded  with  a  double  enclosure,  one  of  marble,  the 

other  of  iron ;  and  the  interior  is  planted  with  poplars.     If 

from  there  you  proceed  to  visit  the  ancient  Forum,  which  is   The  Forum. 

equally  filled  with  basilicas,  porticos,  and  temples,  you  will 

there  behold  the  Capitol,  the  Palatine  Hill,  with  the  noble 

works  which  adorn  them,  and  the  piazza  of  Livia,  —  each 

succeeding  place  causing  you  speedily  to  forget  what  you 

have  before  seen.     Such  is  Rome. 

In  person  Augustus  was  handsome  and  graceful  through-   His  person, 
out  every  period  of  his  life.     But  he  was  negligent  in  his   Suetonius, 
dress  j  and  so  careless  about  his  hair  that  he  usually  had  Au#ustus>  79- 
it  trimmed  in  great  haste  by  several  barbers  at   a   time. 
His   beard   he  sometimes  clipped  and  sometimes  shaved, 
and  either  read  or  wrote  during  the  operation.     His  coun- 
tenance either  when  he  was  talking  or  silent  was  calm  and 
serene.     To  illustrate  this  quality  a  story  is  told  that  once 
when  Augustus  was  crossing  the  Alps,  a  Gaul  of  the  first 
rank  came  near  him  under  the  pretext  of  conferring  with 
him,  but  in  reality  with  the  intention  of  throwing  him  down 
the  precipice.     The  barbarian,  however,  was  so  softened  by 
the  face  of  Augustus  that  he  dared  not  do  the  deed. 

The  eyes  of  Augustus  were  bright  and  piercing ;  and  he 
was  willing  to  have  people  think  there  was  divine  vigor  in 
them.  His  teeth  were  thin  set,  small  and  scaly,  his  hair  a 
little  curly,  and  inclined  to  a  yellow  color.  His  eyebrows 
met ;  his  ears  were  small  and  he  had  an  aquiline  nose.  His 
complexion  was  between  brown  and  fair;  his  stature  was 
low,  though  Julius  Marathus,  his  freedman,  says  he  was  five 
feet  nine  inches  in  height. 


240 


The  Julian   Emperors 


His  heirs. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  i.  3. 


Marcellus. 

(The  "hero" 
here  men- 
tioned is  the 
famous  Mar- 
cellus of  the 
Second 
Punic  War; 
Rome,Y>.  112; 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  326.) 

Vergil, 
Aineid,  vi. 


(What 
lamentations 
of  mourners 
shall  the 
Campus 
Martius  — 
the  burial 
place  —  send 
forth  to 
Rome,  the 
mighty  city 
of  Mars!) 


Meanwhile  as  supports  to  his  despotism  he  raised  to  the 
office  of  pontiff  and  to  the  curule  sedileship  Claudius  Mar- 
cellus, his  sister's  son,  while  a  mere  stripling,  and  he  gave 
two  consecutive  consulships  to  Marcus  Agrippa,  of  humble 
birth  but  a  good  soldier,  and  one  who  had  shared  his  victory. 
Marcellus  soon  afterward  died.  (In  his  memory  Vergil  in- 
serted in  the  <>Eneid  some  beautiful  lines,  representing  ^Eneas 
conversing  with  Anchises  about  the  spirit  of  Marcellus  in  the 
realm  of  Hades.) 

^Eneas  .  .  .  noticed 
Walking  a  youth,  superb  in  his  figure  and  glittering  armor; 
But  his  brow  was  uncheered,  and  his  eyes  were  dejected  in  aspect. 
"  Who,  my  father,  is  he  who  attends  on  the  hero  in  going? 
Is  he  his  son,  or  some  one  of  his  noble  line  of  descendants? 
What  an  array  of  attendants  about  him  !  what  majesty  in  him  ! 
But  dark  night  flits  round  his  head  with  sorrowful  shadows." 
Then  did  his  father  Anchises  proceed,  while  the  tears  were  up-welling : 
"  O  my  begotten,  inquire  not  the  exquisite  grief  of  thy  kindred : 
Him  shall  the  fates  just  show  to  the  world,  and  no  longer  permit  him 
Here  to  remain;  too  mighty  to  you  had  the  Roman  succession 
Seemed,  ye  Supernals,  if  gifts  so  peculiar  had  lasted  forever. 
What  lamentations  of  heroes  shall  yon  plain  post  to  the  mighty 
City  of  Mavors !    Or,  Tiber,  what  pageants  of  mourning  shalt  thou,  too, 
Witness  ere  long,  as  thou  close  by  the  new  made  sepulchre  glidest ! 
No  such  a  youth  from  the  Ilian  nation  shall  ever  his  Latin 
Ancestors  lift  to  so  heightened  a  hope,  nor  shall  ever  hereafter 
Romulus'  land  boast  over  another  so  cherished  a  darling ! 
Ah  !  for  thy  piety !     Ah  !  for  the  pristine  faith,  and  the  right  hand 
Dauntless  in  war  !  with  impunity  none  could  have  dared  to  attack  him, 
Meeting  him  when  he  was  armed  or  with  infantry  charging  on  foemen, 
Or  when  digging  his  spurs  in  the  flanks  of  his  leathery  warhorse. 
Ah  !  lamentable  boy !  if  ever  thou  burstest  thy  hard  fate, 
Thou  shalt  become  a  MARCELLUS  !  bring  lilies  in  plentiful  handfuls; 
I  will  the  flowers  purpureal  strew,  and  the  soul  of  mine  offspring 
Load  with  the  presents  at  least,  and  will  render  if  only  an  empty 
Service !  " 


Other  heirs.        After  the  death  of  Marcellus,  Augustus  accepted  Agrippa 
Tacitus,  as  his  son-in-law.     Tiberius  Nero  and  Claudius  Drusus,  his 

Annals,  1. 3.     stepSonSj  he  honored  with  imperial  titles,  although  his  own 


The  Heir  of  Augustus  241 

family  was  as  yet  undiminished.  For  he  had  admitted  the 
children  of  Agrippa,  Gaius  and  Lucius,  into  the  house  of 
the  Caesars.  (After  they  and  Drusus  had  died,)  Nero 
remained  alone  of  the  stepsons,  and  in  him  everything 
tended  to  centre.  Augustus  adopted  him  as  a  son,  as  a 
colleague  in  the  empire,  and  partner  in  the  tribunician 
power.  .  .  . 

In  the  vigor  of  life  Augustus   could   maintain   his   own  Tacitus, 
position,  that  of  his  house,  and  quiet  everywhere.     When      nna  s' 4" 
in  advanced  old  age  he  was  worn  out  by  a  sickly  frame,  and 
the  end  was  near,  and  new  prospects  opened,  a  few  spoke 
in  vain  of  the  blessings  of  freedom,  but  most  people  dreaded 
and  some  longed  for  war. 

He  died  in  the  same  room  as  his  father  Octavius  ...  on  His  death, 
the  fourteenth  of  the  calends  of  September,  at  the  ninth    I4A-D- 
hour  of  the  day.     He  was  seventy-six  years  of  age  lacking 
thirty-five  days.  .  .  .    Two  funeral  orations  were  pronounced 
in  his  praise.      Senators   then  carried  the  body  on  their  Suetonius, 
shoulders  into  the  Campus  Martius,  and  there  burned  it.   ^ustus' 
A  man  of  pretorian  rank  affirmed  on  oath  that  he  saw  the 
spirit  of  Augustus  ascend  from  the  funeral  pile  into  heaven. 
The  most  distinguished  persons  of  the  knightly  order,  bare- 
foot and  with  loosened  tunics,  gathered  up  his  ashes  and 
deposited  them  in  the  mausoleum,  which  in  his  sixth  con- 
sulship he  had  built  between  the  Flaminian  Way  and  the 
bank  of  the  Tiber ;  at  the  same  time  he  gave  the  groves 
and  walks  about  the  tomb  to  the  people. 

Tiberius 

The  next  emperor  was  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero,  stepson  Tiberius 
°f  Augustus.  «arUodSsar, 

The  patrician  family  of  the  Claudii  .  .  .  came  originally  Emperor, 
from  Regilli,  a  Sabine  town.     Thence  the  Claudii  removed   I4_37 
with  a  great  body  of  their  dependants  to  Rome  soon  after    Ttterius*i. 
the  building  of  the  city.     They  made  this  journey  under 


242 


The  Julian  Emperors 


Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  3. 


His  infancy. 

Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  6. 


Character. 

Velleius  ii. 
94- 


Titus  Tatius,  who  thereupon  became  joint  ruler  with  Romu- 
lus; or  more  probably,  as  is  related  on  better  authority, 
they  came  under  the  lead  of  Atta  Claudius,  the  head  of  the 
family,  whom  the  senate  admitted  to  the  patrician  order 
six  years  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Tarquins.  To  the 
Claudian  family  Tiberius  Caesar  belonged  by  both  the 
father's  and  the  mother's  side.  ...  He  belonged  also 
to  the  family  of  the  Livii  by  the  adoption  of  his  mother's 
grandfather  into  it. 

He  passed  his  infancy  and  childhood  in  the  midst  of 
danger  and  trouble ;  for  he  accompanied  his  parents  every- 
where in  their  flight,  and  twice  at  Naples  nearly  betrayed 
them  by  his  crying,  when  they  were  secretly  hastening  to 
a  ship,  for  the  enemy  were  just  then  rushing  into  the  town. 
.  .  .  Carried  through  Sicily  and  Achaea,  he  was  for  a  time 
placed  in  charge  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  were  under 
the  protection  of  the  Claudian  family.  As  his  mother  Livia 
with  her  child  was  travelling  from  Sparta  in  the  night,  they 
narrowly  escaped  death  by  a  fire,  which  suddenly  burst  from 
a  wood  on  all  sides  and  surrounded  the  whole  party  so 
closely  that  part  of  Livia's  dress  and  hair  was  burned. 

Tiberius  Claudius  Nero  was  three  years  old  when  Livia, 
daughter  of  Claudianus  Drusus,  became  the  wife  of  Caesar 
(Octavianus),  for  she  had  been  contracted  to  him  by  Nero, 
her  former  husband.  Tiberius,  a  youth  trained  in  the 
noblest  principles,  possessed  in  the  highest  degree  birth, 
beauty,  dignity,  valuable  knowledge,  and  superior  capacity. 
From  the  beginning  he  gave  hopes  of  becoming  the  great 
man  he  now  is,  and  by  his  appearance  he  announced  him- 
self a  prince.  Made  quaestor  in  his  nineteenth  year,  he 
began  to  act  in  a  public  character ;  and  under  the  direction 
of  his  stepfather  he  took  such  judicious  measures,  both  in 
Rome  and  at  Ostia,  to  remedy  the  excessive  price  of 
provisions  and  the  scarcity  of  corn  that,  from  what  he 
did  on  this  occasion,  it  could  plainly  be  seen  how  great  he 
was  to  become. 


Family  Affairs 


243 


He  married  Agrippina  (Vipsania),  the  daughter  of  Marcus 
Agrippa  and  granddaughter  of  Caecilius  Atticus,  a  Roman 
knight,  —  the  person  to  whom  Cicero  has  addressed  so 
many  letters.  After  the  birth  of  his  son  Drusus,  Tiberius 
was  obliged  to  part  with  her,  though  she  retained  his 
affections,  ...  to  make  way  for  marrying  Julia,  daughter 
of  Augustus.  This  step  he  took  with  extreme  reluctance  ; 
for  besides  having  the  warmest  attachment  to  Agrippina,  he 
was  disgusted  with  the  conduct  of  Julia.  .  .  .  The  divorc- 
ing of  Agrippina  gave  him  the  deepest  regret ;  and  on  meet- 
ing her  afterward  he  looked  at  her  with  eyes  so  passionately 
expressive  of  affection  that  care  was  taken  that  she  should 
never  again  come  in  his  sight. 

Surrounded  by  all  prosperity,  in  the  prime  of  life  and  in 
excellent  health,  he  suddenly  resolved  to  withdraw  far  from 
Rome.  It  is  uncertain  whether  this  was  the  result  of  dis- 
gust for  his  wife,  whom  he  dared  neither  accuse  nor  divorce, 
and  the  connection  with  whom  became  every  day  more 
intolerable.  .  .  .  Some  are  of  the  opinion  that  as  the  sons 
of  Augustus  were  now  growing  up  to  maturity,  Tiberius  will- 
ingly relinquished  the  second  place  in  the  government,  which 
he  had  long  enjoyed. 

Afterward  he  received  news  that  his  wife  Julia  had  been 
condemned  for  her  bad  conduct,  and  that  Augustus  in  his 
name  had  sent  her  a  bill  of  divorce.  Though  he  secretly 
rejoiced  at  this  news,  he  thought  it  right  in  point  of  decency 
to  interpose  in  her  behalf  by  frequent  letters  to  Augustus, 
and  to  allow  her  to  retain  the  presents  he  had  made  her, 
notwithstanding  the  little  regard  she  merited  from  him. 

But  as  Gaius  and  Lucius  both  died  in  the  space  of  three 
years,  Augustus  adopted  Tiberius  along  with  Agrippa, 
brother  of  the  deceased,  and  obliged  Tiberius  to  adopt  Ger- 
manicus,  his  brother's  son. 

Not  long  afterward  a  law  was  carried  by  the  consuls  for 
the  appointment  of  Tiberius  as  colleague  of  Augustus  in  the 
administration  of  the  provinces,  and  in  taking  the  census ; 


His 

marriages. 

Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  7. 


(By  this 
marriage 
Tiberius 
became  the 
heir  of 
Augustus.) 


He  retires  to 
Rhodes. 

Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  10. 


lb.  11. 


Augustus 
adopts  him. 

Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  15. 


Death  of 
Augustus, 

14  A.D. 


244 


The  Julian   Emperors 


Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  ai. 


Tiberius  is 
offered  the 
imperial 
power. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  i.  u. 


and  when  the  latter  work  was  finished,  Tiberius  went  into 
Illyricum.  Hastily  recalled  from  his  journey,  he  found 
Augustus  alive  indeed  but  past  all  hopes  of  recovery,  and 
was  with  him  privately  a  whole  day.  I  know  it  is  generally 
believed  that  when  Tiberius  quit  the  room  after  this  private 
conference,  those  in  waiting  overheard  Augustus  say,  "  Ah  ! 
unhappy  Roman  people,  to  be  ground  by  the  jaws  of  so  slow 
a  devourer ! " 

Nor  am  I  ignorant  of  the  report  that  Augustus  so  openly 
and  undisguisedly  condemned  the  sourness  of  his  temper 
that  sometimes  when  Tiberius  came  in,  the  emperor  would 
break  off  any  jocular  conversation  in  which  he  was  engaged  ; 
and  that  he  was  prevailed  upon  only  by  the  importunity  of 
his  wife  to  adopt  Tiberius ;  or  that  he  was  actuated  by  the 
ambitious  view  of  recommending  his  own  memory  by  a  com- 
parison with  such  a  successor. 

Yet  I  must  hold  to  this  opinion,  that  a  prince  so  extremely 
circumspect  and  prudent  as  Augustus  did  nothing  rashly, 
especially  in  an  affair  of  so  great  importance  ;  but  that,  weigh- 
ing the  vices  and  virtues  of  Tiberius  each  against  the  other,  he 
judged  the  latter  to  predominate.  .  .  .  For  he  swore  in  the 
assembly  of  the  people,  "  I  adopt  him  for  the  public  good." 

After  the  funeral  of  Augustus  all  prayers  were  addressed 
to  Tiberius.  On  his  part,  he  urged  various  reasons  (for 
declining  the  government)  —  especially  the  greatness  of  the 
empire  and  his  distrust  of  himself.  "  Only  the  intellect  of 
the  divine  Augustus,"  he  said,  "  is  equal  to  such  a  burden. 
Called  as  I  have  been  by  him  to  share  his  anxieties,  I  have 
learned  by  experience  how  exposed  to  fortune's  caprices  is 
the  task  of  universal  rule.  Consequently  a  state  which  has 
the  support  of  so  many  great  men  should  not  put  everything 
on  one  alone ;  for  many  by  uniting  their  efforts  will  more 
easily  discharge  public  functions."  There  was  more  grand 
sentiment  than  good  faith  in  such  words.  .  .  .  The  senators, 
however,  whose  only  fear  was  lest  they  might  seem  to  under- 
stand him,  burst  into  complaints,  tears,  and  prayers. 


The  Comitia  245 

Wearied  at  last  by  the  assembly's   clamorous  entreaties  Tacitus, 

and  by  the  urgent  demands  of  individual  senators,  he  gradu-  Annals>  u  x3- 
ally  gave  way,  though  he  would  not  admit  that  he  was  un- 
dertaking the  imperial  rule,  but  yet  ceased  to  refuse  it. 

Great,  too,  was  the  senate's  flattery  of  (Livia)  Augusta.  The 

Some  would  have  her  styled  "parent,"  others  "Mother  of  SiSSf- 

the  Country,"  and  a  majority  proposed  that  to  the  name  of  Tacitus 

Caesar   should   be    added  "  son   of  Julia."      The  emperor  Annals,  i.  14. 

repeatedly  asserted   that   there   should  be   a  limit   to  the  ("Julia." 

1  •  1  lii  ii  -i         from  her 

honors  paid  to  women,  and  that  he  would  preserve  similar   adoption  into 

moderation  in  those  bestowed  on  himself;  but  annoyed  at  }|Jm,!ulJan 

the  invidious  proposal,  and  regarding  a  woman's  elevation 

as  a  slight  to  himself,  he  would  not  allow  so  much  as  a  lictor 

to  be  assigned  her,  and  forbade  the  erection  of  an  altar  in 

memory  of  her  adoption  or   any  other  distinction  of  the 

kind. 

Then  for  the  first  time  the   election  of  magistrates  was  The 
transferred  from  the  Campus  Martius  to  the  senate.     For  up  abolished68 
to  that  day,  though  the  most  important  appointments  rested   Tacitus, 
with  the  emperor,  some  were  still  settled  by  the  partialities  Annals,  i.  15. 
of  the  tribes.     And  the  people  did  not  complain  of  having 
the  right  taken  from  them,  except  in  mere  idle  talk.     The 
senate,  now  released  from  the  necessity  of  bribery  and  of 
degrading  solicitations,  gladly  upheld  the  change.     Tiberius 
confined  himself  to  the  recommendation  of  only  four  can- 
didates who  were  to  be  nominated  without  rejection  or  can- 
vass. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  at  Rome  when  a  mutiny  The  mutiny 
broke  out  in  the  legions  of  Pannonia,  —  a  disturbance  which  m  Pannoma- 
could  be  traced  to  no  fresh  cause  except  the  change  of  ■  ^»S '  ^  x^ 
emperors  and  the  prospect  it  held  out  of  licence  in  tumult 
and  of  profit  from  a  civil  war.  ...     In  the  camp  was  a 
certain  Percennius  who  had  once  been  a  leader  of  one  of 
the  theatrical  factions,  and  had  then  become  a  common 
soldier.     He  had  a  saucy  tongue,  and  had  learned  from  his 
applause  of  actors  how  to  stir  up  a  crowd. 


246 


The  Julian  Emperors 


Speech  of 
Perccnnius. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  i.  17. 


P.  63. 


(At  this  time 
about 
twenty-one 
cents.) 


lb.  i.  18. 


The  mutiny 
in  Germany. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  i.  31. 


At  last  when  there  were  others  ready  to  join  the  mutiny, 
he  asked  in  the  tone  of  a  demagogue  why,  like  slaves,  they 
submitted  to  a  few  centurions  and  still  fewer  tribunes. 
"  When  will  you  dare  demand  relief,"  he  asked,  "  if  you  do 
not  go  with  your  prayers  or  arms  to  a  new  and  feeble 
throne?  For  many  years  we  have  blundered  enough  by 
our  tameness  in  enduring  thirty  or  forty  campaigns  till  we 
grow  old,  most  of  us  with  bodies  maimed  by  wounds.  Even 
dismissal  is  not  the  end  of  our  service,  but  quartered  under 
a  legion's  standard,  we  continue  to  toil  through  the  same 
hardships  under  another  title.  If  a  soldier  survives  so  many 
risks,  he  is  then  dragged  into  remote  regions,  where  under 
the  name  of  lands  he  receives  soaking  swamps  or  mountain 
wastes. 

"Assuredly  military  service  is  burdensome  and  unprofit- 
able ;  ten  asses  a  day  is  the  value  set  on  life  and  limb.  Out 
of  this  amount  clothing,  arms,  tents,  as  well  as  the  mercy  of 
centurions  and  exemptions  from  duty  have  to  be  purchased. 
But  of  floggings  and  wounds,  of  hard  winters,  wearisome 
summers,  terrible  war,  and  barren  peace,  there  is  no  end. 
Our  relief  will  come  only  if  we  enter  military  life  under  fixed 
conditions :  each  should  receive  a  denarius,  and  our  service 
should  end  with  the  sixteenth  year.  ...  Do  the  pretorian 
cohorts,  which  have  just  got  their  two  denarii  a  man,  and 
which  after  sixteen  years  are  restored  to  their  homes,  en- 
counter more  dangers  than  we?  We  do  not  disparage  the 
guards  of  the  capital ;  but  here  amid  barbarous  tribes  we 
have  to  face  the  enemy  from  our  tents." 

The  throng  applauded  from  various  motives,  some  point- 
ing with  indignation  to  the  marks  of  the  lash,  others  to  their 
gray  locks,  and  most  of  them  to  their  threadbare  garments 
and  naked  limbs. 

About  the  same  time  and  from  the  same  causes  the 
legions  of  Germany  rose  in  mutiny,  with  a  fury  propor- 
tioned to  their  greater  numbers,  in  the  confident  hope  that 
Germanicus  Csesar  would  not  be  able  to  endure  another's 


The  Mutiny  247 

supremacy  and  would  offer  himself  (as  emperor)  to  the 
legions,  whose  strength  would  carry  everything  before  them. 
.  .  .  There  was  sedition  in  many  a  face  and  voice.  "  The 
Roman  world,"  they  said,  "  is  in  our  hands ;  our  victories 
increase  the  state ;  from  us  emperors  receive  their  titles." 

Their  commander  (Csecina)  did  not  check  them.  In  fact  Tacitus, 
the  blind  rage  of  so  many  had  robbed  him  of  his  resolution.  Annals<  '•  32- 
In  a  sudden  frenzy  they  rushed  with  drawn  swords  on  the 
centurions,  the  immemorial  object  of  the  soldiers'  resent- 
ment and  the  first  cause  of  savage  fury.  They  threw  these 
officers  down  and  beat  them  sorely.  .  .  .  Then  tearing 
them  from  the  ground,  mangled  and  some  lifeless,  they 
flung  them  outside  the  intrenchments  or  into  the  river 
Rhine. 

Hearing  of  the  mutiny  in  the  legions,  Germanicus  instantly  Speech  of 
went  to  the  spot,  and  as  he  met  the  soldiers  outside  the   Germanlcus> 
camp,  their  eyes  were  fixed  on  the  ground  and  they  seemed  ^wSj.q*. 
repentant.     As  soon  as  he  entered  the  intrenchments,  con- 
fused murmurs  arose.     Some  men,  seizing  his  hand  under 
pretence  of  kissing  it,  thrust  his  fingers  into  their  mouths 
that  he  might  touch  their  toothless  gums  j  others  showed 
him  their  limbs  bowed  with  age.  .  .  .     Beginning  with  a 
reverent  mention  of  Augustus,  he  passed  on  to  the  victories 
and  triumphs  of  Tiberius,  dwelling  with  especial  praise  on 
his  glorious  achievements  with   those  legions  in  Germany. 
Next  he  extolled  the  unity  of  Italy,  the  loyalty  of  Gaul,  the 
entire  absence  of  turbulence  or  strife.     He  was  heard  in 
silence  or  with  but  a  slight  murmur. 

(He  calmed  the  sedition  for  a  time,  but  it  soon  blazed  Agrippina 
out  anew.     Thereupon  he  resolved  to  send  his  wife  Agrip-   depart6S  ° 
pina  and  their  young  son  Gaius,  —  nicknamed  Caligula  by  Tacitus, 
the  soldiers,  —  away  from  the  camp  to  a  place  of  safety.)    Annals,  i.  40. 
At  first  his  wife  spurned  the  notion,  protesting  that  she  was 
a  descendant  of  the  divine  Augustus  and  could  face  peril 
with  no  degenerate  spirit ;  but  finally  he  embraced  her  and 
the  son  of  their  love  with  many  tears,  and  after  a  long  delay 


248 


The  Julian   Emperors 


The 

soldiers' 
honor. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  i.  41. 


(Treveri, 
now  Treves, 
a  city  of  Gaul 
in  alliance 
with  Rome.) 


Death  of 
Germanicus. 


Tacitus, 
Annals,  iii.  6. 


compelled  her  to  depart.  Then  slowly  moved  along  a  piti- 
able procession  of  women,  a  general's  fugitive  wife  with  a 
little  son  in  her  bosom,  and  her  friends'  wives  weeping  round 
her,  as  they  were  dragging  themselves  with  her  from  the 
camp.     Not  less  sorrowful  were  those  who  remained. 

There  was  no  appearance  of  the  triumphant  general  in 
Germanicus ;  he  seemed  to  be  in  a  conquered  city  rather 
than  in  his  own  camp ;  groans  and  wailings  attracted  the 
ears  and  looks  even  of  the  soldiers.  Coming  out  of  their 
tents,  they  asked : 

"What  is  this  mournful  sound?  What  means  the  sad 
sight?  Here  are  ladies  of  rank,  not  a  centurion  to  escort 
them,  not  a  soldier,  no  sign  of  a  prince's  wife,  none  of  the 
usual  retinue.  Can  they  be  going  to  the  Treveri,  to  subjects 
of  the  foreigner?" 

Then  they  felt  shame  and  pity,  and  remembered  her 
father  Agrippa,  her  grandfather  Augustus,  her  father-in-law 
Drusus,  her  own  glory  as  the  mother  of  children,  her  noble 
purity.  And  there  was  her  little  child,  too,  born  in  the  camp, 
brought  up  amid  the  tents  of  the  legions,  —  the  boy  whom 
they  used  to  call  in  soldiers'  fashion  Caligula,  because  he 
often  wore  the  boot  so  called,  to  win  the  men's  good  will. 

But  nothing  moved  them  so  much  as  jealousy  toward  the 
Treveri.  They  stopped  the  way,  and  entreated  that  Agrip- 
pina  might  return  and  remain ;  some  ran  to  meet  her  while 
others  went  back  to  Germanicus.  (Thus  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Agrippina  the  mutiny  which  had  threatened  the 
existence  of  the  empire  subsided.  About  the  same  time  the 
Pannonian  mutiny  was  quelled  by  Drusus,  son  of  the  emperor. 
Some  time  afterward  Germanicus  died  in  the  East ;  and  as 
he  was  very  popular,  the  Romans  loudly  lamented  his  death. 
Thinking  their  grief  excessive,  Tiberius  mildly  rebuked 
them  in  the  following  address :  "  Many  eminent  Romans 
have  died  for  their  country,  but  none  have  been  honored 
with  such  passionate  regret.  This  grief  is  a  glory  to  myself 
and  to  all,  provided  only  a  due  mean  is  observed ;  for  what 


An  Earthquake 


249 


is  becoming  in  humble  homes  and  communities  does  not 
befit  princely  persons  and  an  imperial  people.  Tears  and 
the  solace  found  in  mourning  are  suitable  enough  for  the  first 
burst  of  grief;  but  now  you  must  brace  up  your  hearts  to 
endurance,  as  in  former  days  the  divine  Julius  after  the  loss 
of  his  only  daughter,  and  the  divine  Augustus  when  he  was 
bereft  of  his  grandchildren,  thrust  away  their  sorrow.  There 
is  no  need  of  examples  from  the  past  to  show  how  often  the 
Roman  people  have  patiently  endured  the  defeats  of  armies, 
the  destruction  of  generals,  the  total  extinction  of  noble 
families.  Princes  are  mortal;  the  state  is  everlasting. 
Return  then  to  your  usual  pursuits  and  even  to  your  amuse- 
ments." 

Twelve  famous  cities  of  Asia  fell  by  an  earthquake  one 
night,  so  that  the  destruction  was  all  the  more  unforeseen 
and  fearful.  And  there  was  no  means  of  escape  usual  in 
such  a  disaster,  by  rushing  out  into  the  open  country ;  for 
in  the  case  before  us  the  yawning  earth  swallowed  the  people 
up.  Vast  mountains  collapsed  ;  what  had  been  level  ground 
seemed  to  be  raised  aloft,  and  fires  blazed  out  amid  the 
ruin.  The  misfortune  fell  most  fatally  on  the  inhabitants  of 
Sardis,  and  attracted  to  them  the  largest  share  of  sympathy. 
The  emperor  promised  ten  million  sesterces,  and  remitted 
for  five  years  all  their  dues  to  the  treasury  or  to  the  empenor's 
purse.  It  was  determined  that  the  people  of  these  cities  .  .  . 
should  be  exempt  from  tribute  for  that  length  of  time,  and 
some  one  was  to  be  sent  to  examine  their  actual  condition 
and  to  relieve  them. 

Tiberius  suppressed  all  foreign  religions,  including  the 
Egyptian  and  Jewish  rites ;  those  who  practised  these  super- 
stitions he  compelled  to  burn  their  vestments  and  all  their 
sacred  utensils.  Under  pretence  of  military  service  he  dis- 
tributed the  Jewish  youths  among  the  provinces  noted  for 
their  unhealthful  climate ;  and  he  dismissed  from  the  city 
all  the  rest  of  that  nation  as  well  as  proselytes  to  that  faith, 
under  pain  of  slavery  for  life  unless  they  obeyed. 


A  public 
misfortune. 

Tacitus, 
Annals, 
ii.  47. 


Egyptian 
and  Jewish 
religion. 

Suetonius, 
Tiberius,  36. 


25° 


The  Julian   Emperors 


Excessive 
luxury. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  iii. 
5* 


Referred  to 
the  emperor. 


His  letter  to 
the  senate. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  iii. 
53- 


"  Where  am 
I  to  begin?" 


Luxury  had  reached  boundless  excess  in  everything  on 
which  wealth  is  lavished.  .  .  .  Costly  preparations  for 
gluttony  and  dissipation  were  the  theme  of  incessant  talk, 
and  had  suggested  a  fear  that  a  prince  who  clung  to  old- 
fashioned  frugality  would  be  too  stern  in  his  reforms.  In 
fact  when  the  aedile  Gaius  Bibulus  broached  the  topic,  all  his 
colleagues  pointed  out  that  the  sumptuary  laws  were  dis- 
regarded, that  prohibited  prices  for  household  articles  were 
every  day  on  the  increase,  and  that  moderate  measures 
could  not  stop  the  evil. 

The  senate,  on  being  consulted,  did  not  discuss  the  matter 
but  referred  it  to  the  emperor.  After  long  considering 
whether  such  reckless  tastes  could  be  repressed,  whether  the 
repression  of  them  would  not  be  still  more  hurtful  to  the 
state,  and  how  undignified  it  would  be  to  meddle  with  what 
he  could  not  succeed  in,  or  what  if  affected  would  necessi- 
tate the  disgrace  and  infamy  of  distinguished  men,  Tiberius 
at  last  addressed  a  letter  to  the  senate  to  the  following  pur- 
port: 

"  Perhaps  in  any  other  matter,  senators,  it  would  be  more 
convenient  that  I  should  be  consulted  in  your  presence,  and 
then  state  what  I  think  to  be  for  the  public  good.  In  this 
debate  it  was  better  that  my  eyes  should  not  be  on  you,  for 
while  you  were  noting  the  anxious  faces  of  individual 
senators  charged  with  shameful  luxury,  I  too  might  observe 
them  and,  as  it  were,  detect  them.  Had  those  energetic 
men,  our  aediles,  first  taken  counsel  with  me,  I  do  not  know 
whether  I  should  not  have  advised  them  to  let  alone  vices 
so  strong  and  so  matured,  rather  than  merely  attain  the  re- 
sult of  publishing  what  are  the  corruptions  with  which  we 
cannot  cope.  They  have  certainly  done  their  duty,  how- 
ever, as  I  could  wish  all  other  officials  likewise  to  fulfil  their 
parts. 

"  For  myself,  it  is  neither  seemly  to  keep  silent  nor  is  it 
easy  to  speak  my  mind,  as  I  do  not  hold  the  office  of  aedile, 
praetor,  or  consul.     Something  greater  and  loftier  is  expected 


Luxury  251 

of  a  prince,  and  while  everybody  takes  to  himself  the  credit 
of  a  right  policy,  one  alone  has  to  bear  the  odium  of  every 
person's  failures.  For  what  am  I  first  to  begin  with  re- 
straining and  cutting  down  to  the  old  standard?  The  vast 
dimensions  of  country  houses?  The  number  of  slaves  of 
every  nationality?  The  masses  of  silver  and  gold?  The 
marvels  of  bronze  and  painting  ?  The  apparel  worn  by  both 
sexes?  Or  jewels  —  that  peculiar  luxury  of  women  which 
diverts  our  wealth  to  strange  or  hostile  nations? 

"  I  am  not  unaware  that  people  at  entertainments  and  Sumptuary 
social  gatherings  condemn  all  this  and  demand  some  restric-  fo^l^0*  CU' 
tion.     But  if  a  law  were  to  be  passed  and  a  penalty  imposed,   Tacitus 
those  same  persons  will  cry  out  that  the  state  is  revolution-   Annals,  iii. 
ized,  that   ruin  is   plotted    against    all   our   most   brilliant  54# 
fashion,  that  not  a  citizen  is  safe  from  accusation.  ...     Of 
the  many  laws  devised  by  our  ancestors,  of  the  many  passed 
by  the  divine  Augustus,  the  first  have  been  forgotten,  while 
his  —  all  the  more  to  our  disgrace  —  have  become  obsolete 
through  contempt,  and  this  result  has  made  luxury  bolder 
than  ever.  . 

"  Why  then  in  old  times  was  economy  in  the  ascendant  ?  "  There  are 
Because  every  one  practised  self-control ;  because  we  were  fangera." 
all  members  of  one  city.  Not  even  afterward  had  we  the 
same  temptations,  while  our  dominion  was  confined  to  Italy. 
Victories  over  the  foreigner  taught  us  how  to  waste  the  sub- 
stance of  others ;  victories  over  ourselves  taught  us  how  to 
squander  our  own.  What  a  paltry  matter  is  this  of  which 
the  aediles  are  reminding  us  !  What  a  mere  trifle  if  you  look 
at  everything  else  !  No  one  represents  to  the  senate  that 
Italy  requires  supplies  from  abroad,  and  that  the  very  exist- 
ence of  the  people  of  Rome  is  daily  at  the  mercy  of  un- 
certain waves  and  storms.  And  unless  masters,  slaves,  and 
estates  have  the  resources  of  the  provinces  as  their  mainstay, 
our  shrubberies  forsooth,  and  our  country  houses  will  have 
to  support  us. 

"  Such,  senators,  are  the  anxieties  which  the  prince  has  to 


252 


The  Julian   Emperors 


The  prince's 
burdens. 


Tacitus, 
Annals,  iii. 
55- 

Death  and 
character  of 
Livia  Julia 
Augusta. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  v.  1. 

(Perusian 
War,  the 
siege  of 
L.  Antonius, 
brother  of 
the  triumvir, 
by  Octavia- 
nus,  41-40 
B.C.,  in 
Perusia,  now 
Perugia.) 


(Without 
good  reason 
Tacitus 
considers 
Tiberius 
hypocritical ; 
cf.  p.  12.) 


sustain,  and  the  neglect  of  them  will  be  utter  ruin  to  the 
state.  The  cure  of  other  evils  must  be  sought  in  our  own 
hearts.  Let  us  be  led  to  amendment,  the  poor  by  con- 
straint, the  rich  by  satiety.  Or  if  any  of  our  officials  give 
promise  of  such  energy  and  strictness  as  can  stem  the  cor- 
ruption, I  praise  them,  and  admit  that  I  am  relieved  of 
a  portion  of  my  burdens.  But  if  they  wish  to  denounce 
vice,  and  when  they  have  gained  credit  for  so  doing,  they 
arouse  resentments  and  leave  them  to  me,  be  assured,  sena- 
tors, that  I  too  am  by  no  means  eager  to  incur  enmities ; 
and  though  for  the  public  good  I  encounter  formidable  and 
often  unjust  enmities,  yet  I  have  a  right  to  decline  such  as 
are  unmeaning  and  purposeless  and  will  be  of  use  neither 
to  you  nor  to  myself." 

When  they  had  heard  the  emperor's  letter,  the  aediles 
were  excused  from  so  anxious  a  task. 

(Livia)  Julia  Augusta  died  at  an  advanced  age.  A 
Claudia  by  birth,  and  by  adoption  a  Livia  and  a  Julia, 
she  united  the  noblest  blood  of  Rome.  The  first  marriage 
by  which  she  had  children  was  with  Tiberius  Nero,  who 
was  an  exile  during  the  Perusian  War,  but  returned  to  Rome 
when  peace  had  been  concluded  between  Sextus  Pompey 
and  the  triumvirs.  (Their  sons  were  Tiberius,  who  became 
emperor,  and  Drusus.)  Afterward  Caesar  (Octavianus), 
captivated  by  her  beauty,  took  her  away  from  her  husband. 
.  .  .  She  had  no  more  children,  but  allied  as  she  was 
through  the  marriage  of  Agrippina  and  Germanicus  to  the 
blood  of  Augustus,  her  great-grandchildren  were  also  his. 

In  the  purity  of  her  home  life  she  was  of  the  ancient  type,  but 
more  gracious  than  was  thought  fitting  in  ladies  of  former  days. 
An  imperious  mother  and  an  amiable  wife,  she  was  a  match 
for  the  diplomacy  of  her  husband,  and  the  dissimulation  of 
her  son  (Tiberius).  Her  funeral  was  simple,  and  her  will 
long  remained  unexecuted.  Her  great-grandson  Gaius  Csesar 
(Caligula),  who  afterward  succeeded  to  power,  pronounced 
her  funeral  oration  from  the  rostra. 


Appearance  of  Tiberius  253 

In  person  Tiberius  was  large  and  robust,  in  stature  some-   Appearance 
what  above  the  average ;  he  was  broad  in  the  shoulders  and  oi  Tlbenus- 
chest,  and  well-proportioned   throughout   his   frame.      He  ^f^Ths. 
used  his  left  hand  more  readily  and  with  more  force  than 
the  right ;  and  his  joints  were  so  strong  that  he  could  bore 
a  fresh  apple  through  with  his  finger,  and  wound  the  head 
of  a  boy  or  a  young  man  with  a  fillip.     His  complexion  was 
fair,  and  he  wore  his  hair  so  long  behind  that  it  covered  his 
neck,  —  a  noticeable  mark  of  distinction   affected   by  the 
family.     He  had  a  handsome  face,  which  however  was  often 
pimpled.     His  large  eyes  had  a  wonderful  faculty  of  seeing 
in  the  dark,  for  a  short  time  only,  immediately  after  waking 
from  sleep  ;  then  they  would  soon  grow  dim. 

He  walked  with  his  neck  stiff  and  upright,  generally  with  Peculiar 
a  frowning  countenance,  and  silent.  When  he  spoke  to  character, 
those  about  him,  it  was  very  slowly,  and  usually  accompanied 
with  a  slight  gesticulation  of  the  fingers.  All  these  repulsive 
habits  and  signs  of  arrogance  were  noticed  by  Augustus,  who 
often  tried  to  excuse  them  to  the  senate,  declaring  that  they 
were  natural  defects,  which  proceeded  from  no  viciousness 
of  mind. 

About  two  years  before  his  death  he  made  duplicates  of  His  will, 
his  will,  one  written  by  his  own  hand,  the  other  by  a  freed-   Suetonius, 
man.  ...     He  appointed  joint  heirs  to  his  estate  his  two    Tiberms>  76- 
grandsons,  —  Gaius,  son  of  Germanicus,  and  Tiberius,  son 
of  Drusus.     On  the  death  of  one  of  them,  the  other  was  to 
inherit  the  whole. 

Gaius  Cesar  Caligula 

Germanicus  had  married  Agrippina,  daughter  of  Marcus  The  family 
Agrippa  and  Julia.     He  had  nine  children.     Two  died  in  cus.ennam~ 
infancy  and  another  a  few  years  afterward,  a  sprightly  boy,   Suetonius, 
whose  image,  in  the  character  of  a  cupid,  Livia  set  up  in  the    Caligula,  7. 
temple  of  Venus  in  the  Capitol.     Augustus  placed  another 
statue  of  him  in  his  bed-chamber,  and  used  to  kiss  it  when- 
ever he  entered  the  apartment.     The  rest   survived   their 


254 


The  Julian  Emperors 


Caligula's 
accession, 
37A.D. 

Suetonius, 
Caligula,  13. 


lb.  ax. 

(Saepta,  the 
enclosed 
voting-place 
in  the  Cam- 
pus Martius.) 


He  wishes 
to  be  a  god. 

Suetonius, 
Caligula,  22. 


He  longs  for 
misfortune. 

Suetonius, 
Caligula,  31. 


father.  There  were  three  daughters,  Agrippina,  Drusilla, 
and  Livilla,  who  were  born  in  three  successive  years,  —  and 
as  many  sons,  —  Nero,  Drusus,  and  Gaius  Caesar.  On  the 
accusation  of  Tiberius,  Nero  and  Drusus  were  declared 
public  enemies. 

In  receiving  the  imperial  powers  Caligula  fulfilled  the  wish 
of  the  Roman  people,  and  I  may  venture  to  say,  of  all  man- 
kind ;  for  most  of  the  provincials  and  soldiers,  who  had 
known  him  when  a  child,  had  long  been  looking  forward  to 
the  event ;  so  had  all  the  people  of  Rome  because  of  affec- 
tion for  the  memory  of  Germanicus,  his  father,  and  compas- 
sion for  the  family  now  almost  extinct. 

He  completed  the  works  left  unfinished  by  Tiberius, — 
the  temple  of  Augustus  and  the  theatre  of  Pompey.  He 
began,  too,  the  aqueduct  from  the  neighborhood  of  Tibur 
and  an  amphitheatre  near  the  Saepta.  The  former  was  com- 
pleted by  his  successor  Claudius,  the  latter  remained  as  he 
left  it 

Thus  far  we  have  spoken  of  him  as  a  prince.  What  re- 
mains to  be  said  shows  him  to  be  a  monster  rather  than  a 
man.  .  .  .  He  was  strongly  inclined  to  assume  the  diadem, 
and  change  the  form  of  government  from  imperial  to  regal ; 
but  when  told  that  he  far  exceeded  the  grandeur  of  kings 
and  princes,  he  began  to  assume  a  divine  majesty.  He 
ordered  all  the  images  of  the  gods  which  were  famous  for 
their  beauty  or  for  the  veneration  paid  them,  including  that 
of  Jupiter  Olympius,  to  be  brought  from  Greece  that  he 
might  take  the  heads  off  and  put  on  his  own.  He  extended 
his  palace  as  far  as  the  Forum,  and  converting  the  temple  of 
Castor  and  Pollux  into  a  kind  of  vestibule  to  his  house,  he 
often  stationed  himself  between  the  twin  brothers,  and  so 
presented  himself  to  be  worshipped  by  all  who  came  in. 

Often  he  complained  aloud  of  the  condition  of  the  times, 
because  it  was  not  made  remarkable  by  any  public  calamity  ; 
whereas  the  reign  of  Augustus  had  become  memorable  to 
posterity  through  the  disaster  of  Varus,  and  that  of  Tiberius 


An  Insane  Emperor 


255 


by  the  fall  of  the  theatre  of  Fidenae,  his  was  likely  to  pass  into 
oblivion  from  an  uninterrupted  prosperity.  And  at  times  he 
wished  for  some  terrible  slaughter  of  his  troops,  a  famine,  a 
pestilence,  a  conflagration,  or  an  earthquake. 

At  last,  seized  with  an  invincible  desire  to  feel  money,  he 
took  off  his  slippers  and  repeatedly  walked  over  great  heaps 
of  gold  coin  spread  upon  the  spacious  floor,  and  then  laying 
himself  down,  rolled  his  whole  body  in  gold  over  and  over. 

He  was  tall,  pale,  and  ill-shaped  ;  his  neck  and  legs  were 
very  slender,  his  eyes  and  temples  hollow,  his  brows  broad 
and  knit,  his  hair  thin,  and  the  crown  of  the  head  bald.  .  .  . 
His  face,  naturally  hideous  and  frightful,  he  purposely  ren- 
dered more  so  by  drawing  it,  before  a  mirror,  into  the  most 
horrible  contortions.  He  was  abnormal  both  in  body  and  in 
mind ;  for  as  a  boy  he  had  been  subject  to  epilepsy. 

In  his  frantic  and  savage  career  many  had  formed  designs 
for  killing  him  ;  but  one  or  two  conspiracies  were  discovered, 
and  others  postponed  for  want  of  opportunity.  At  last  two 
men  concerted  a  plan  together,  and  accomplished  their 
purpose. 

He  lived  twenty-nine  years,  and  reigned  three  years,  ten 
months,  and  eight  days. 


Rome,  p.  208  : 
Ancient  His- 
tory, p.  382. 


lb.  42. 


His  appear- 
ance. 

Suetonius, 
Caligula,  50. 
A.D. 


His  assass- 
ination, 41. 

A.D. 

Suetonius, 
Caligula,  56. 


lb.  59. 


Country  Life 

The  glittering  ore  let  others  vainly  heap, 

O'er  fertile  vales  extend  the  enclosing  mound; 

With  dread  of  neighb'ring  foes  forsake  their  sleep, 
And  start  aghast  at  every  trumpet's  sound. 


Happy 
though  poor. 

Tibullus,  i.  1. 


Me  humbler  scenes  delight,  and  calmer  days; 

A  tranquil  life,  fair  Poverty,  secure  ! 
Then  boast,  my  hearth,  a  small  but  cheerful  blaze, 

And  riches  grasp  who  will,  let  me  be  poor. 

Nor  yet  be  Hope  a  stranger  to  my  door, 

But  o'er  my  roof,  bright  goddess,  still  preside ! 

With  many  a  bounteous  autumn  heap  my  floor, 
And  swell  my  vats  with  must,  —  a  purple  tide. 


256 


The  Julian   Emperors 


p.  37. 


(Priapus.  a 
garden  god, 
made  of  a 
board  and 
painted  red, 
a  scare- 
crow.) 


My  tender  vines  I'll  plant  with  early  care, 
And  choicest  apples  with  a  skilful  hand; 

Nor  blush,  a  rustic,  oft  to  guide  the  share, 
Or  goad  the  tardy  ox  along  the  land. 

Let  me,  a  simple  swain,  with  honest  pride, 

If  chance  a  lambkin  from  its  dam  should  roam, 

Or  sportful  kid,  the  little  wanderer  chide, 
And  in  my  bosom  bear  exulting  home. 

Here  Pales  I  bedew  with  milky  showers, 
Lustrations  yearly  for  my  shepherd  pay, 

Revere  each  antique  stone  bedecked  with  flowers 
That  bounds  the  field  or  points  the  doubtful  way. 

My  grateful  fruits,  the  earliest  of  the  year, 

Before  the  rural  god  shall  duly  wait. 
From  Ceres'  gifts  I'll  cull  each  browner  ear, 

And  hang  a  wheaten  wreath  before  her  gate. 

The  ruddy  god  shall  save  my  fruit  from  stealth, 
And  far  away  each  little  plunderer  scare : 

And  you,  the  guardians  once  of  ampler  wealth, 
My  household  gods,  shall  still  my  off' rings  share. 

My  num'rous  herds  that  wantoned  o'er  the  mead 
The  choicest  fatling  then  could  richly  yield; 

Now  scarce  I  spare  a  little  lamb  to  bleed 
A  mighty  victim  for  my  scanty  field. 

And  yet  a  lamb  shall  bleed,  while,  ranged  around, 
The  village  youths  shall  stand  in  order  meet, 

With  rustic  hymns,  ye  gods,  your  praise  resound, 
And  future  crops  and  future  wines  entreat. 

Then  come,  ye  powers,  nor  scorn  my  frugal  board, 
Nor  yet  the  gifts  clean  earthen  bowls  convey, 

With  these  the  first  of  men  the  gods  adored, 
And  formed  their  simple  shape  of  ductile  clay. 

My  little  flock,  ye  wolves,  ye  robbers,  spare, 
Too  mean  a  plunder  to  deserve  your  toil; 

For  wealthier  herds  the  nightly  theft  prepare; 
There  seek  a  nobler  prey,  and  richer  spoil. 


Nature 


257 


For  treasured  wealth,  nor  stores  of  golden  wheat,  — 
The  hoard  of  frugal  sires,  —  I  vainly  call ; 

A  little  farm  be  mine,  a  cottage  neat, 

And  wonted  couch  where  balmy  sleep  may  fall. 


Nature  is  more  Lovely  than  Art 

Why  walk,  my  love,  with  locks  bedecked  with  gold? 
And  rustle  Coan  robes  with  silken  fold? 
Ah,  why  with  Syrian  unguents  drench  thy  hair, 
Tricked  out  for  sale  with  artificial  ware? 
Why  scorn  to  please  by  nature's  simple  grace, 
And  seek  th'  allurements  of  a  borrowed  face  ? 
From  tricks  like  these  thy  charms  no  fairer  prove, 
For  artificial  beauty  wins  not  love. 

See  with  what  natural  hues  the  earth  is  drest  — 
Uncared,  unmarked  the  ivy  blossoms  best; 
Midst  desert  rocks  the  ilex  clusters  still, 
Soft  are  the  murmurs  of  the  lonely  rill, 
Bright  are  the  pebbly  shores  that  gem  the  sea, 
And  sweet  the  wild  bird's  untaught  melody. 


"  Artificial 
beauty  wins 
not  love  " 

(Dresses  of 
light,  thin 
material 
from  Cos,  an 
island  in  the 
y£gean  Sea.) 

Propertius  i. 


Thine  is  the  charm  in  winning  words  that  lives, 
Thine  all  the  grace  that  wit  and  beauty  gives : 
These  make  me  thine  —  thine  ever  will  I  be, 
Couldst  thou  but  learn  to  hate  frivolity. 

Winter 
Only  hark  how  the  doorway  goes  straining  and  creaking, 

And  the  piercing  wind  pipes  through  the  trees  that  surround 
The  court  of  your  villa,  while  black  frost  is  streaking 

With  ice  the  crisp  snow  that  lies  thick  on  the  ground ! 


Horace, 
Odes,  iii.  10. 


Enjoy  the  Spring 
As  biting  winter  flies,  lo,  Spring  with  sunny  skies, 

And  balmy  airs  !  and  barks  long  dry  put  out  again  from  shore  ; 
Now  the  ox  forsakes  his  byre,  and  the  husbandman  his  fire, 

And  daisy-dappled  meadows  bloom  where  winter  frosts  lay  hoar. 
By  Citherea  led,  while  the  moon  hangs  overhead, 

The  nymphs  and  graces,  hand  in  hand,  with  alternating  feet 
Shake  the  ground,  while  swinking  Vulcan  strikes  the  sparkles  fierce  and 
red 
From  the  forges  of  the  Cyclops,  with  reiterated  beat, 
s 


Horace, 
Odes,  i.  4. 

(Venus,  of 
the  island  of 
Cythera.) 

(Cyclopes, 
one-eyed 
giants,  repre- 
sented as 
smiths,  or 
builders.) 


258 


The  Julian  Emperors 


(Faunus,  like 
the  Greek 
Pan,  was  god 
of  the  forest, 

glain,  and 
elds.) 


(Manes, 
spirits  of  the 
dead  ;  Pluto, 
king  in  the 
realm  of  the 
dead.) 


Horace, 
Odes,  i.  4. 


Tis  time  with  myrtle  green  to  bind  our  glistening  locks, 

Or  with  flowers,  wherein  the  loosened  earth  herself  hath  newly 
dressed, 
And  to  sacrifice  to  Faunus  in  some  glade  amidst  the  rocks 

A  yearly  lamb,  or  else  a  kid,  if  such  delight  him  best. 
Death  comes  alike  to  all  —  to  the  monarch's  lordly  hall, 

Or  the  hovel  of  the  beggar,  and  his  summons  none  shall  stay. 
O  Sestius,  happy  Sestius !  use  the  moments  as  they  pass  ; 

Far-reaching  hopes  are  not  for  us,  the  creatures  of  a  day. 
Thee  soon  shall  night  enshroud;  and  the  Manes'  phantom  crowd, 

And  the  starvelling  house  unbeautiful  of  Pluto  shut  thee  in; 
And  thou  shalt  not  banish  care  by  the  ruddy  wine-cup  there, 

Nor  woo  the  gentle  Lycidas,  whom  all  are  mad  to  win. 

My  Friends  and  I ' 

With  storm  and  wrack  the  sky  is  black,  and  sleet  and  dashing  rain 
With  all  the  gathered  streams  of  heaven  are  deluging  the  plain  ; 
Now  roars  the  sea,  the  forests  roar  with  the  shrill  north  wind  of  Thrace, 
Then  let  us  snatch  the  hour,  my  friends,  the  hour  that  flies  apace, 
Whilst  yet  the  bloom  is  on  our  cheeks,  and  rightfully  we  may 
With  song  and  jest  and  jollity  keep  wrinkled  age  at  bay ! 
Bring  forth  a  jar  of  lordly  wine,  whose  years  my  own  can  mate, 
Its  ruby  juices  stained  the  vats  in  Torquatus'  consulate ! 
No  word  of  anything  that's  sad  ;  whate'er  may  be  amiss, 
The  gods  belike  will  change  to  some  vicissitude  of  bliss ! 


(Composed 
by  Horace 
for  the  Saccu- 
lar games, 
with  which 
Augustus,  in 
17  B.C.,  cele- 
brated the 
opening  of 
a  new  Scecu- 
lum,  or  age. 
In  the  plan 
of  Augustus 
the  saeculum 
was  to  con- 
sist of  a  hun- 
dred and  ten 
years,  but 
other  emper- 
ors, as 
Claudius, 
insisted  on 


From  the  Specular  Hymn 

To  Apollo  and  Diana 

Ye  powers  divine, 
Unto  our  docile  youth  give  morals  pure ! 

Ye  powers  divine, 
To  placid  age  give  peace, 
And  to  the  stock  of  Romulus  ensure 
Dominion  vast,  a  never-failing  line, 
And  in  all  noble  things  still  make  them  to  increase ! 

And  oh  !  may  he  who  now 
To  you  with  milk-white  steers  uplifts  his  prayer, 

Within  whose  veins  doth  flow 
Renowned  Anchises'  blood,  and  Venus'  ever  fair, 
Be  still  in  war  supreme,  yet  still  the  foe 
His  sword  hath  humbled  spare  ! 


The  Saccular  Hymn 


259 


Now,  even  now  the  Mede 
Our  hosts  omnipotent  by  land  and  sea, 

And  Alban  axes  fears  ;   the  Scythians,  late 
So  vaunting,  and  the  hordes  of  Ind  await, 
On  low  expectant  knee, 
What  terms  soe'er  we  may  be  minded  to  concede. 
Now  Faith,  and  Peace,  and  Honor,  and  the  old 

Primeval  Shame,  and  Worth  long  held  in  scorn, 

To  reappear  make  bold, 
And  blissful  Plenty,  with  her  teeming  horn, 
Doth  all  her  smiles  unfold. 

And  oh !  may  he,  the  Seer  Divine, 
God  of  the  fulgent  bow, 
Phoebus,  beloved  of  the  Muses  nine, 

Who,  for  the  body  racked  and  worn  with  woe 
By  arts  remedial  finds  an  anodyne, 
If  he  with  no  unloving  eye  doth  view 

The  crested  heights  and  halls  of  Palatine, 

On  to  a  lustre  new 
Prolong  the  weal  of  Rome,  the  blest  estate 
Of  Latium,  and  on  them,  long  ages  through, 
Still  growing  honors,  still  new  joys  accumulate  ! 

And  may  She,  too,  who  makes  her  haunt 
On  Aventine  and  Algidus  alway, 
May  She,  Diana,  grant 
The  prayers,  which  duly  here 
The  Fifteen  Men  upon  this  festal  day 

To  her  devoutly  send, 
And  to  the  youth's  pure  adjurations  lend 
No  unpropitious  ear ! 

Now  homeward  we  repair, 
Full  of  the  blessed  hope,  that  will  not  fail, 
That  Jove  and  all  the  gods  have  heard  our  prayer, 
And  with  approving  smiles  our  homage  hail,  — 
We,  skilled  in  choral  harmonies  to  raise 
The  hymn  to  Phoebus  and  Diana's  praise. 

STUDIES 

1.  What  made  the  imperial  government  possible  ? 

2.  How  did  Augustus  (Caesar  Octavianus)  celebrate  his  successes  ? 

3.  Who  were  his  heirs  ?     Who  finally  succeeded  him  ? 


making  it  an 
even  hun- 
dred years.) 


(The  axes 
were  an  em- 
blem of 
Roman 
power.    Hor- 
ace calls 
them  Alban 
after  Alba 
Longa,  the 
mother-city 
of  Rome  and 
the  early 
home  of  the 
Julian  gens, 
to  which 
Augustus  be- 
longed by 
adoption.) 


(The  Fifteen 
Men  who  had 
charge  of  the 
Sibylline 
Books,  which 
ordained  this 
celebration. 
The  number 
of  men  in 
this  college 
was  origin- 
ally two,  but 
was  in- 
creased to  ten 
by  Licinius 
and  Sextius, 
and  still 
later  to 
fifteen.) 


260  The  Julian   Emperors 

4.  How  did  Augustus  formally  restore  the  republic  ?  What  was  in 
fact  the  nature  of  the  government  from  this  time  forward  {Rome,  p.  210; 
Ancient  History,  p.  383)  ? 

5.  Describe  his  personal  appearance. 

6.  Give  an  account  of  the  early  life  and  character  of  Tiberius. 
What  did  Augustus  think  of  him  ? 

7.  May  not  Tiberius  have  been  sincere  in  at  first  declining  the  impe- 
rial powers  ?  Was  the  position  of  emperor  in  every  way  desirable  (cf. 
Rome,  p.  219)  ?  Was  his  mother  helpful  to  him  ?  Describe  her 
character. 

8.  What  advantages  resulted  from  the  abolition  of  the  assemblies  ? 
Was  there  any  reason  for  continuing  them  longer  ?  Did  they  represent 
Italy  or  the  empire  ? 

9.  What  were  the  causes  of  the  mutiny  ?  Were  the  grievances  of 
the  soldiers  real  ?  Was  their  lot  harder  now  than  it  had  been  under 
the  republic  (cf.  Rome,  p.  219)?  What  good  quality  did  their  treat- 
ment of  Agrippina  show  ?     I  low  was  the  mutiny  ended  ? 

10.  What  points  did  Tiberius  make  in  his  address  to  the  people 
after  the  death  of  Germanicus  ?  What  features  of  his  character  does 
this  speech  show  ? 

11.  What  public  misfortunes  did  Tiberius  relieve?  Have  you  any 
proof  that  he  was  humane  ? 

12.  What  did  he  think  of  sumptuary  laws?  Was  this  attitude 
wise  ?  What  is  at  present  the  general  opinion  of  sumptuary  legisla- 
tion ?     What  did  Tiberius  consider  the  chief  burdens  of  the  emperor  ? 

13.  Give  an  account  of  the  reign  of  Caligula,  and  describe  his  char- 
acter. Was  he  insane  ?  What  at  this  time  must  have  been  the  char- 
acter of  the  Romans  who  endured  the  rule  of  such  an  emperor  ? 

14.  Who  was  Horace  (cf.  ch.  i)?  Why  might  we  call  him  the 
poet-laureate  of  the  Augustan  age  ?  What  was  the  event  which  he 
celebrates  in  the  poem  at  the  opening  of  ch.  ix  ?  Why  did  Augustus 
deserve  the  honor  of  the  victories  won  by  his  stepson  ?  In  defining 
the  empire  of  Augustus  why  does  the  poet  mention  those  particular 
nations  ? 

15.  What  lesson  does  Horace  learn  from  spring?  What  does  he 
think  of  the  pleasures  and  the  cares  of  life  ? 

16.  In  the  Saecular  Hymn  what  blessings  does  Horace  ask  the  gods 
to  give  the  Roman  ?  What  virtues,  in  his  opinion,  were  then  returning 
to  Rome  ? 

17.  Who  was  Tibullus  (cf.  ch.  i)?  From  his  poem  near  the  end  of 
chapter  ix  what  may  we  learn  of  country  life  ? 

18.  Who  was  Propertius  (cf.  ch.  i)  ?     What  was  his  ideal  beauty  ? 


CHAPTER   X 

The  Claudian  and  the  Flavian 
Emperors 

(41-96    A.D.) 
CLAUDIUS 

Claudius  (the  next  emperor)  was  born  at  Lyons  .  .  .  the 
very  day  on  which  an  altar  was  first  dedicated  there  to 
Augustus.  He  was  named  Tiberius  Claudius  Drusus;  but 
afterward,  on  the  adoption  of  his  elder  brother  into  the 
Julian  family,  he  added  the  surname  Germanicus.  The 
father  left  him  an  infant ;  and  during  almost  the  whole  of 
his  minority,  and  for  some  time  after  he  had  attained  the 
age  of  manhood,  he  was  afflicted  with  a  variety  of  obstinate 
diseases,  so  that  his  mind  and  body  were  greatly  impaired. 
Even  after  growing  up,  he  was  never  thought  sufficiently 
qualified  for  any  public  or  private  employment. 

From  an  early  age,  however,  he  applied  himself  with  great 
diligence  to  the  study  of  the  liberal  sciences,  and  frequently 
published  specimens  of  his  skill  in  each  of  them.  But  never 
with  all  his  efforts  could  he  attain  to  any  public  post  in  the 
government,  or  give  any  hope  of  arriving  at  distinction. 
His  mother  Antonia  often  called  him  "  an  imperfect  man, 
whom  nature  had  begun  but  had  not  finished."  And  when 
she  wished  to  upbraid  any  one  with  dulness,  she  would  say, 
"  He  is  a  greater  fool  than  my  son  Claudius."  .  .  .  His  sister 
Li  villa,  on  hearing  that  he  was  about  to  be  created  emperor, 
openly  and  loudly  expressed  her  indignation  that  the  Roman 
people  should  experience  a  fate  so  severe  and  so  much  below 
their  grandeur. 

261 


Tiberius 
Claudius 
Drusus 
emperor,  41- 
54  a.d. 

Suetonius, 
Claudius,  2. 

(His  elder 
brother  was 
the  emperor 
Tiberius.) 


"A  learned 
fool." 

Suetonius, 
Claudius,  3. 


262      Claudian  and  Flavian   Emperors 


As  a  public 
man. 

Suetonius, 
Claudius,  7. 


Ib.Z. 


The  pretori- 
ans  make 
him 
emperor. 

Suetonius, 
Claudius,  10. 


His  censor- 
ship. 


When  Gaius,  his  brother's  son,  had  been  raised  to  the  im- 
perial office,  and  was  trying  to  gain  the  affections  of  the 
public  by  all  the  arts  of  popularity,  Claudius  at  last  was 
admitted  to  office,  and  held  the  consulship  jointly  with  his 
nephew  for  two  months. 

Still  he  was  subject  to  many  slights.  If  he  ever  came  in 
late  to  supper,  he  was  obliged  to  walk  round  the  room  sev- 
eral times  before  he  could  get  a  place  at  the  table.  When 
he  indulged  himself  in  his  common  habit  of  sleeping  at  the 
end  of  meals,  the  company  used  to  throw  olive-stones  and 
dates  at  him.  .  .  .  Sometimes  they  would  put  slippers  on 
his  hands  as  he  lay  snoring,  that  on  awaking  he  might  rub 
his  face  with  them. 

After  spending  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  this  way,  he 
received  the  office  of  emperor  in  the  fiftieth  year  of  his  age 
and  by  a  surprising  turn  of  fortune.  .  .  .  Terrified  by  the 
report  that  Gaius  had  been  killed,  he  crept  into  a  balcony, 
where  he  hid  himself  behind  the  hangings  of  the  door.  A 
common  soldier,  who  happened  to  pass  that  way,  spied  his 
feet,  and  wishing  to  learn  who  he  was,  pulled  him  out.  Im- 
mediately recognizing  him,  the  soldier  threw  himself  at  the 
feet  of  Claudius,  and  saluted  him  emperor.  He  then  con- 
ducted Claudius  to  the  pretorian  guards,  who  were  all  in 
great  rage  and  irresolute  as  to  what  they  should  do.  .  .  . 

The  day  afterward,  as  the  senate  was  slow  in  its  proceed- 
ings, and  was  worn  out  by  divisions  among  its  members, 
while  the  people  who  surrounded  the  senate-house  shouted 
that  they  would  have  one  master,  naming  Claudius,  he  suf- 
fered the  guards  assembled  under  arms  to  swear  allegiance 
to  him,  and  promised  them  fifteen  thousand  sesterces  a  man. 
Thus  Claudius  was  the  first  of  the  Caesars  to  purchase  the 
submission  of  the  soldiers  with  money. 

He  assumed,  too,  the  censorship,  which  had  been  discon- 
tinued since  the  time  when  Paulus  and  Plancus  had  jointly 
held  it.  This  office  he  administered  very  irregularly  and 
with  a  strange  variety  of  humor  and  conduct.  .  .  .     He  pub- 


A  Broad-Minded  Emperor         263 


Iished  twenty  proclamations  in  a  day,  in  one  of  which  he 
gave  the  people  the  following  advice,  —  "  As  the  vintage  is 
very  plentiful,  have  your  casks  well  secured  at  the  bung  with 
pitch  ;  "  and  in  another  he  told  them,  "  Nothing  will  sooner 
cure  the  bite  of  a  viper  than  the  sap  of  the  yew-tree." 

The  question  of  filling  up  the  senate  was  discussed,  and 
the  chief  men  of  Gallia  Comata,  who  had  long  possessed  the 
rights  of  allies  and  of  Roman  citizens,  sought  the  privilege 
of  obtaining  public  offices  at  Rome.  There  was  much  talk 
of  every  kind  on  the  subject,  and  vehement  opposition 
showed  itself  in  the  argument  before  the  emperor.  "  Italy," 
some  said,  "  is  not  so  feeble  as  to  be  unable  to  furnish  her 
own  capital  with  a  senate.  .  .  .  What  distinctions  will  be 
left  for  the  remnants  of  our  noble  houses,  or  for  any  impov- 
erished senators  from  Latium  ?  Every  place  will  be  crowded 
with  these  millionnaires,  whose  ancestors  of  the  second  and 
third  generations  at  the  head  of  hostile  tribes  destroyed  our 
armies  with  fire  and  sword,  and  actually  besieged  the  divine 
Julius  at  Alesia.  These  are  recent  memories.  What  if  there 
were  to  rise  up  the  remembrance  of  those  who  fell  in  Rome's 
citadel  and  at  her  altar  by  the  hands  of  these  same  barba- 
rians !  Let  them  enjoy  the  title  of  citizens,  but  let  them  not 
vulgarize  the  distinctions  of  the  senate  and  the  honors  of 
office." 

These  and  like  arguments  failed  to  impress  the  emperor. 
He  at  once  applied  himself  to  answering  them,  and  thus 
addressed  the  assembled  senate  :  "  My  ancestors,  the  most 
ancient  of  whom  was  made  at  once  a  citizen  and  a  noble  of 
Rome,  encourage  me  to  govern  by  the  same  policy  of  trans- 
ferring to  this  city  all  conspicuous  merit,  wherever  found.  .  .  . 

"  What  was  the  ruin  of  Sparta  and  Athens  but  this  fault, 
that  mighty  as  they  were  in  war,  they  spurned  from  them  as 
aliens  those  whom  they  had  conquered?  Our  founder  Rom- 
ulus, on  the  other  hand,  was  so  wise  that  on  one  and  the 
same  day  he  fought  as  enemies  and  hailed  as  fellow-citizens 
several   nations.     Strangers   have   reigned   over  us.      That 


(Censorship 
of  Paulus 
and  Plancus, 
22  B.C.) 

Suetonius, 
Claudius,  16. 

Narrowness 
of  the 

Roman  sena- 
tors. 

(Gallia 
Comata,  or 
Celtica,  one 
of  the  prov- 
inces of 
Transalpine 
Gaul.) 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  xi. 
23. 


Statesman- 
like views  of 
the  emperor. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  xi. 
24. 

(For  his 
"  most 
ancient " 
ancestor,  see 
P-  241  f.) 


264     Claudian  and  Flavian  Emperors 


The  Gauls 
are  worthy 
of  the  honor. 

(Caesar's 
conquest,  58- 
50  B.C.) 


Tacitus,  An- 
nals, xi.  25. 

P.  203. 

Saint  Peter. 

Eusebius, 
Ecclesiasti- 
cal History, 
ii.  14. 


Personal 
appearance 
of  Claudius. 

Suetonius, 
Claudius,  30. 


freedmen's  sons  should  be  intrusted  with  public  offices  is 
not,  as  many  people  think,  a  sudden  innovation ;  it  was  a 
common  practice  of  the  early  republic.  .  .  . 

"  On  the  whole,  if  you  review  all  our  wars,  never  has  one 
been  finished  in  a  shorter  time  than  that  with  the  Gauls. 
Thenceforth  they  have  preserved  an  unbroken  and  loyal 
peace.  United  with  us  as  they  now  are  by  manners,  educa- 
tion, and  intermarriage,  let  them  bring  us  their  gold  and 
their  wealth  rather  than  enjoy  it  in  isolation.  Everything, 
senators,  which  we  now  hold  to  be  of  the  highest  antiquity 
was  once  new.  Plebeian  magistrates  came  after  patrician ; 
Latin  magistrates  after  plebeian  ;  magistrates  of  other  Italian 
peoples  after  Latin.  This  practice,  too,  will  establish  itself, 
and  what  we  are  this  day  justifying  by  precedents  will  be 
itself  a  precedent." 

The  emperor's  speech  was  followed  by  a  decree  of  the 
senate,  and  the  y£dui  were  the  first  to  obtain  the  right  of 
becoming  senators  at  Rome. 

In  the  reign  of  Claudius,  by  the  benign  and  gracious  provi- 
dence of  God,  Peter,  that  great  and  powerful  apostle,  who 
by  his  courage  took  the  lead  of  all  the  rest,  was  conducted 
to  Rome.  .  .  .  Like  a  noble  commander  of  God,  fortified 
with  divine  armor,  he  bore  the  precious  merchandise  of  the 
revealed  light  from  the  East  to  those  in  the  West,  announc- 
ing the  light  itself,  and  the  salutary  doctrine  of  the  soul  — 
the  proclamation  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 

Either  standing  or  sitting,  but  especially  when  he  lay 
asleep,  Claudius  had  a  majestic  and  graceful  appearance; 
for  he  was  tall,  but  not  slender.  His  gray  locks  became  him 
well,  and  he  had  a  full  neck.  But  his  knees  were  feeble  and 
failed  him  in  walking,  so  that  his  gait  was  ungainly  on  state 
occasions  as  well  as  when  he  was  taking  exercise.  Boisterous 
in  his  laughter,  he  was  still  more  so  in  his  wrath.  .  .  .  He 
stammered,  too,  in  his  speech,  and  had  a  tremulous  motion 
of  the  head  at  all  times,  but  especially  when  he  was  engaged 
in  any  business,  however  trifling. 


Burrus  and  Seneca  265 

Toward  the  close  of  his  life  he  gave  clear  indications  of  Suetonius, 

repentance  for  his  marriage  with  Agrippina  and  his  adoption  Claudtus>  45- 
of  (her  son)  Nero. 

He  died  on  the  third  of  the  ides  of  October  ...  in  the  Death, 

sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age  and  the  fourteenth  of  his  reign.  Suetonius, 

Claudius,  45. 

Nero 

Nero  was  seventeen  years  of  age  at  the  death  of  Claudius,  Nero 
and  as  soon  as  that  event  became  public,  he  showed  himself   csesar^m- 
to  the  guards  between  the  hours  of  six  and  seven  j  for  the   Per<>r,  54-68 
omens  were  so  unfavorable  that  no  earlier  time  of  the  day 
was  deemed  proper.     On  the  steps  before  the  palace  gate  Nero,  8.   ' 
the  soldiers  unanimously  saluted  him  emperor,  and  then  car- 
ried him  in  a  litter  to  the  camp.   Thence  after  he  had  made 
a  short  speech  to  the  troops,  they  brought  him  into  the  senate- 
house,  where  he  remained  till  evening.     Of  all  the  immense 
honors  which  were  heaped  upon  him  he  refused  none  but 
the  title  Father  of  his  Country,  and  this  on  account  of  his 
youth. 

Afranius  Burrus  and  Annaeus  Seneca  guided  the  emperor's  His 
youth  with  a  unity  of  purpose  seldom  found  where  authority  a  vlsers- 
is  shared ;  and  though  their  accomplishments  were  wholly  Annals 
different,  they  had  equal  influence.    Burrus  with  his  soldier's  xiii- 2- 
discipline  and  severe  manners,  Seneca  with  lessons  of  elo- 
quence and  a  dignified  courtesy,  strove  alike  to  confine  the 
frailty  of  the  prince's  youth  —  so  far  as  he  disliked  virtue  — 
within  allowable  indulgences. 

In  sketching  the  plan  of  his  future  government,  Nero  care-  His  address 
fully  avoided  everything  which  had  recently  kindled  hatred,  ate**6  S6n" 
"I  will  not  be  judge  in  all  cases,"  he  said,  "nor  will  I  by  Tacitus 
confining  the  accuser  and  the  accused  within  the  same  walls,  Annals, 
allow  the  power  of  a  few  favorites  to  grow  dangerously  great. 
In  my  house  nothing  shall  be  venal,  nothing  open  to  intrigue ; 
my  private  establishment  and  the  state  shall  be  kept  entirely 
distinct.     The  senate  shall  retain  its  ancient  powers.     Italy 


xni.  4. 


266     Claudian  and   Flavian   Emperors 


His  accom- 
plishments 
in  music. 

Suetonius, 
Nero,  20. 


The 

"  Golden 

House." 

Suetonius, 
Nero,  31. 


and  the  state-provinces  shall  plead  their  causes  before  the 
tribunals  of  the  consuls,  who  will  give  them  a  hearing  from 
the  senators.  Of  the  armies  I  will  myself  take  charge,  as 
especially  intrusted  to  me." 

Among  the  liberal  arts  which  he  was  taught  in  his  youth 
was  music;  and  immediately  after  his  advancement  to 
the  imperial  office,  he  sent  for  Turpnus,  a  harpist  of  the 
highest  reputation,  who  flourished  at  the  time.  After  sitting 
with  him  several  days  as  he  sang  and  played  after  dinner 
till  late  at  night,  Nero  began  gradually  to  practice  on  the 
instrument  himself.  ...  He  made  his  first  public  appearance 
at  Naples ;  and  although  the  theatre  quivered  with  the  sud- 
den shock  of  an  earthquake,  he  did  not  desist  until  he  had 
finished  the  piece  of  music  he  had  begun.  .  .  . 

At  the  same  time  he  chose  young  men  of  the  equestrian 
rank  and  above  five  thousand  robust  young  fellows  of  the 
common  people,  to  learn  various  kinds  of  applause  .  .  . 
which  they  were  to  practise  in  his  honor  whenever  he 
performed. 

In  nothing  was  he  so  prodigal  as  in  his  buildings.  He 
completed  his  palace  by  extending  it  from  the  Palatine  to 
the  Esquiline  Hill.  At  first  he  called  this  addition  simply 
the  Passage ;  but  after  it  was  burned  down  and  rebuilt,  he 
named  it  the  Golden  House.  Of  the  dimensions  and  furni- 
ture it  may  suffice  to  give  the  following  description.  The 
porch  was  so  high  that  there  stood  in  it  a  colossal  statue  of 
Nero  a  hundred  and  twenty  feet  in  height;  and  the  space 
included  in  it  was  so  ample  that  it  had  triple  porticos  a 
mile  in  length,  and  a  lake  like  a  sea,  surrounded  with  build- 
ings which  had  the  appearance  of  a  city.  Within  its  area 
were  corn-fields,  vineyards,  pastures,  and  woods,  which  con- 
tained a  great  number  of  animals  of  various  kinds  both 
tame  and  wild.  In  other  parts  the  palace  was  entirely 
overlaid  with  gold  and  adorned  with  jewels  and  mother  of 
pearl.  The  dining  rooms  were  vaulted,  and  compartments 
of  the  ceilings,  inlaid  with  ivory,  were  made  to  revolve  and 


Humanity  of  the  Mob  267 

scatter  flowers ;  they  contained  pipes,  too,  which  shed  un- 
guents upon  the  guests.  .  .  .  When  he  dedicated  this  mag- 
nificent building  after  finishing  it,  all  he  said  in  approval 
was,  "Now  I  have  a  dwelling  fit  for  a  man." 

Soon  afterward  the  city  prefect  was  murdered  by  one  of  A  cruel  law. 
his  own  slaves,  either  because  the  slave  had  been  refused  Tacitus, 
his  freedom,  for  which  he  had  made  a  bargain,  or  in  jeal-  f^als'  xlv* 
ousyof  love  in  which  he  could  not  brook  his  master's  rivalry. 
Ancient  custom  required  that  the  whole  slave  establishment 
which  had  dwelt  under  the  same  roof  should  be  dragged  to 
execution.     But  a  sudden  gathering  of  the  populace,  to  save 
so  many  innocent  lives,  brought  matters  to  actual  rebellion. 
Even  in  the  senate  there  was  a  strong  feeling  on  the  part  of 
those  who  shrank  from  extreme  measures,  though  a  majority 
were  opposed  to  an  innovation. 

Clamorous  voices  rose  from  all  who  pitied  the  number,   Humane  pro- 
age,  or  sex  of  the  slaves,  as  well  as  the  undoubted  innocence  tests- 
of  the  great  majority.     Still  the  party  which  voted  for  their  J/101*/5'  ■ 
execution  prevailed.     But  the  sentence  could  not  be  carried  45. 
out  in  the  face  of  a  dense  and  threatening  mob  armed  with 
stones   and   firebrands.      Then    the  emperor   reprimanded 
the  people  by  edict,  and  lined  with  a  force  of  soldiers  the 
entire  route  by  which  the  condemned  had  to  be  dragged  to 
execution. 

A  disaster  followed,  whether  accidental  or  treacherously  A  great  fire 
contrived  by  the  emperor,  is  uncertain ;   for  authors  have   in  Rome- 
given  both  accounts.     It  was  a  more  dreadful  conflagration  ^22?' xv 
than  had  ever  before  visited  this  city.     The  fire  started  in  38. 
that  part  of  the  Circus  which  adjoins  the  Palatine  and  Caelian 
hills,  where  amid  the  shops  containing  inflammable  wares, 
the  conflagration  broke  out  and  instantly  became  so  fierce 
and  so  rapid  from  the  wind  that  it  seized  in  its  grasp  the 
entire  length  of  the  Circus.     For  here  were  no  houses  fenced 
in  by  solid  masonry,  or  temples  surrounded  by  walls,  or  any 
other  obstacle  to  cause  delay.     The  furious  blaze  ran  first 
through  the  level  portion  of  the  city,  with  those  narrow 


268      Claudian  and   Flavian   Emperors 


The  excite- 
ment of  the 
people. 


Despair. 


Nero 

relieves  the 
distress. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  xv. 
39- 


winding  passages  and  irregular  streets  which  characterized 
old  Rome. 

Meanwhile  one  could  hear  the  wailings  of  terror-stricken 
women,  and  could  see  the  feebleness  of  age,  the  helpless 
inexperience  of  childhood,  the  crowds  who  sought  to  save 
themselves  or  others,  dragging  out  the  infirm  or  waiting  for 
them,  and  by  their  hurry  in  the  one  case,  by  their  delay  in 
the  other,  aggravating  the  confusion.  Often  while  they 
looked  behind  them,  they  were  intercepted  by  flames  on 
their  side  or  in  their  face.  Or  if  they  reached  a  refuge  close 
at  hand,  this  too  was  seized  by  the  fire ;  and  so  they  found 
that  even  places  which  they  had  imagined  remote,  were  in- 
volved in  the  same  calamity. 

Doubting  at  last  what  they  should  avoid  or  whither  they 
should  flee,  they  crowded  the  streets  or  flung  themselves 
down  in  the  fields,  while  some  who  had  lost  their  all,  even 
their  daily  bread,  and  others  from  love  of  their  kinsfolk, 
whom  they  had  been  unable  to  rescue,  perished  though 
escape  was  open  to  them.  And  no  one  dared  stop  the 
mischief,  because  of  incessant  threats  from  a  number  of 
persons  who  forbade  the  putting  out  of  the  flames,  and 
because  others  openly  threw  brands,  and  kept  shouting  that 
some  one  had  given  them  authority ;  either  they  sought  more 
freedom  for  plundering  or  they  were  obeying  orders. 

At  this  time  Nero  was  at  Antium,  and  did  not  return  to 
Rome  until  the  fire  approached  his  house,  which  he  had 
built  to  connect  the  palace  with  the  gardens  of  Maecenas. 
It  could  not  be  stopped,  however,  from  devouring  the  palace, 
the  house,  and  everything  around  it.  But  to  relieve  the 
people,  driven  homeless  out  of  doors,  he  threw  open  to  them 
the  Campus  Martius  and  the  public  buildings  of  Agrippa,  and 
even  his  own  gardens,  and  raised  temporary  structures  to 
shelter  the  destitute  crowd.  Supplies  of  food  he  brought  up 
from  Ostia  and  the  neighboring  towns,  and  reduced  the  price 
of  corn  to  three  sesterces  a  peck. 

These  acts,  though  popular,  produced  no  effect;   for  a 


Annals,  xv. 
43- 


Rome  Rebuilt  269 

rumor  had  gone  forth  everywhere  that  at  the  very  time  when 
the  city  was  in  flames  the  emperor  appeared  on  a  private 
stage  and  sang  of  the  destruction  of  Troy,  comparing  present 
misfortunes  with  the  disasters  of  antiquity.  . 

So  much  of  Rome  as  was  left  unoccupied  by  his  mansion  New  Rome 
was  built  up,  not  as  it  had  been  after  its  burning  by  the  Tacitus, 
Gauls,  without  any  regularity  or  in  any  fashion,  but  with  rows 
of  streets  according  to  measurement,  with  broad  thorough- 
fares, with  a  restriction  on  the  height  of  houses,  with  open 
spaces,  and  the  further  addition  of  colonnades  as  a  protec- 
tion to  the  frontage  of  the  blocks  of  tenements.  These  col- 
onnades Nero  promised  to  erect  at  his  own  expense,  and  to 
hand  over  the  open  spaces,  when  cleared  of  debris,  to  the 
landlords.  He  also  offered  rewards  proportioned  to  each 
person's  position  and  property,  and  prescribed  a  period 
within  which  they  were  to  obtain  them  on  the  completion 
of  so  many  houses  or  blocks  of  building.  He  fixed  on  the 
marshes  of  Ostia  for  the  reception  of  the  rubbish,  and 
arranged  that  the  ships  which  had  brought  up  corn  by 
the  Tiber,  should  sail  down  the  river  with  cargoes  of  this 
rubbish. 

The  buildings  themselves,  to  a  certain  height,  were  to  be  Advantages 
constructed  solidly,  —  and  without  wooden  beams,  —  of  stone  £lanhe  new 
from  Gabii  or  Alba,  as  that  material  is  impervious  to  fire. 
And  to  provide  that  the  water  which  individuals  had  illegally 
used  might  flow  in  greater  abundance  in  several  places  for 
the  public  use,  officers  were  appointed,  and  every  one  was 
to  have  in  the  open  court  the  means  of  stopping  a  fire. 
Every  building,  too,  was  to  be  enclosed  by  its  own  wall,  not 
by  one  common  to  others.  These  changes,  which  were 
liked  for  their  usefulness,  added  beauty  as  well  to  the  new 
city.  Some  thought,  however,  that  the  old  arrangement  had 
been  more  conducive  to  health,  as  the  narrow  streets  with 
the  high  roofs  were  not  so  penetrated  with  the  sun's  heat, 
whereas  now  the  open  space,  unsheltered  by  any  shade,  is 
scorched  with  a  fiercer  glow. 


270      Claudian  and  Flavian   Emperors 


Persecution 
of  the 
Christians. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  xv. 
44. 


Eusebius, 
Ecclesiasti- 
cal History, 
ii.  25. 


(There  were 
wars  in  the 
East,  but  no 
conquest.) 


Suicide  of 
Nero. 

Eutropius 
vii.  15. 

(Northeast 
of  the  city.) 


But  all  human  efforts,  —  all  the  lavish  gifts  of  the  emperor, 
and  the  propitiations  of  the  gods,  —  did  not  banish  the  sinis- 
ter belief  that  the  fire  was  due  to  an  order.  To  rid  himself 
of  this  report,  therefore,  Nero  fastened  the  guilt  and  inflicted 
the  most  exquisite  tortures  on  a  class  hated  for  their  evil 
deeds  —  a  class  of  people  whom  the  populace  called 
Christians. 

In  addition  to  all  other  crimes,  this  was  yet  wanting  to 
complete  the  catalogue,  that  he  was  the  first  of  the  emperors 
to  show  himself  an  enemy  of  piety  toward  God.  This  fact 
is  recorded  by  the  Roman  Tertullian  in  nearly  the  following 
language  :  "  Examine  your  records.  There  you  will  find  that 
Nero  was  the  first  to  persecute  this  doctrine,  especially  when, 
after  subduing  all  the  East,  he  exercised  his  cruelty  against 
all  at  Rome.  Such  is  the  man  of  whom  we  boast  as  the 
leader  in  our  punishment.  For  in  knowing  who  he  was, 
any  one  may  know  also  that  there  could  scarcely  be  anything 
great  and  good  which  was  not  condemned  by  Nero."  Pub- 
licly announcing  himself  in  this  way  as  the  chief  enemy  of 
God,  Nero  was  led  on  in  his  fury  to  slaughter  the  apostles. 
Paul  is  said  therefore  to  have  been  beheaded  at  Rome 
under  Nero,  and  Peter  to  have  been  crucified  in  the  same 
reign.  ...  If  you  will  go  to  the  Vatican  Mount  or  to  the 
Ostian  road,  you  will  find  there  the  trophies  of  those  who 
have  laid  the  foundation  of  this  church. 

When  Nero's  conduct  had  made  him  detestable  to  the 
city  of  Rome,  and  every  one  had  deserted  him,  and  the 
senate  had  declared  him  an  enemy,  and  he  was  sought  for 
to  be  punished,  he  fled  from  the  palace,  and  killed  himself 
in  a  suburban  villa  of  one  of  his  freedmen.  This  place  was 
between  the  Salarian  and  Nomentan  roads,  at  the  fourth 
milestone  from  the  city.  .  .  . 

He  died  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  age  and  the  four- 
teenth of  his  reign ;  and  in  him  all  the  family  of  Augustus 
became  extinct. 


The   First   Plebeian   Emperor       271 


Vespasian 


(Then  came  the  brief  reigns  of  Galba,  Otho,  and  Vitellius.) 
To  Vitellius  succeeded  Vespasian,  who  had  been  chosen  em- 
peror in  Palestine,  —  a  prince  of  obscure  birth  but  worthy 
to  be  compared  with  the  best  emperors,  and  in  public  life 
greatly  distinguished.  Sent  by  Claudius  into  Germany  and 
afterward  into  Britain,  he  fought  thirty-two  times  with  the 
enemy ;  he  also  added  to  the  Roman  empire  two  powerful 
nations,  twenty  towns,  and  the  Isle  of  Wight  on  the  coast 
of  Britain. 

At  Rome  he  acted  with  the  greatest  forbearance  during 
his  reign,  though  he  was  somewhat  too  eager  for  money. 
He  did  not  deprive  any  one  of  it  unjustly,  however,  and 
even  when  he  had  collected  money  with  the  greatest  dili- 
gence and  anxiety,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  distributing  it 
most  readily,  especially  to  the  needy ;  so  that  the  liberality 
of  no  prince  before  him  was  greater  or  more  judicious.  His 
disposition,  too,  was  so  mild  and  amiable  that  he  never  will- 
ingly inflicted  a  severer  penalty  than  banishment,  even  on 
persons  convicted  of  treason  against  himself. 

He  let  slip  no  opportunity  for  reforming  the  discipline  of 
the  army.  When  therefore  a  young  man  came  perfumed  to 
thank  the  emperor  for  having  appointed  him  to  command  a 
squadron  of  horse,  Vespasian  turned  away  in  disgust,  and 
with  this  sharp  reprimand  —  "I  should  prefer  to  have  you 
smell  of  garlic  "  —  revoked  the  commission. 

Among  his  new  public  buildings  was  his  temple  of  Peace 
near  the  Forum,  and  on  the  Caelian  Mount  that  of  Claudius, 
which  Agrippina  had  begun  but  Nero  had  almost  destroyed. 
A  third  was  an  amphitheatre  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  for 
he  found  that  Augustus  had  planned  such  a  work.  He  puri- 
fied the  senatorial  and  equestrian  ranks,  which  had  greatly 
fallen  off  in  numbers  and  had  lost  honor  through  the  neg- 
lect of  his  predecessors.  After  expelling  the  unworthy,  he 
chose  in  their  places  the  most  honorable  persons  in  Italy 


Titus 

Flavius  Ves- 
pasianus 
emperor,  69- 
79  A.D. 

Eutropius 
vii.  19. 


His  love  of 
money. 


His  military 
discipline. 

Suetonius, 
Vespasian,  8. 


His 
buildings. 

Suetonius, 
Vespasian,  9. 


272      Claudian  and  Flavian   Emperors 


The 
wealthy. 

Tacitus, 
Annals,  iii. 
55- 


Better 
morals. 


A  patron  of 
learning. 

Suetonius, 
Vespasian, 
18. 


and  the  provinces.  (This  measure  brought  an  improvement 
in  morals.)     It  is  well  to  trace  the  causes  of  the  change. 

Formerly  rich  or  highly  distinguished  noble  families  sank 
into  ruin  from  a  passion  for  splendor.  Even  then  men  were 
still  at  liberty  to  court  the  city  populace,  the  allies,  and 
foreign  princes,  and  to  be  courted  in  return.  Every  one, 
therefore,  who  from  his  wealth,  his  mansion,  and  his  estab- 
lishment, was  especially  grand,  gained  too  great  a  lustre  by 
his  name  and  his  many  clients. 

After  the  savage  massacres  in  which  greatness  of  renown 
was  fatal,  the  survivors  turned  to  wiser  ways.  The  new  men 
who  were  often  admitted  into  the  senate  from  the  towns, 
colonies,  and  even  from  the  provinces,  introduced  their  house- 
hold thrift,  and  though  many  of  them  by  good  luck  or  energy 
attained  an  old  age  of  wealth,  still  their  former  tastes  re- 
mained. But  the  chief  encourager  of  strict  manners  was 
Vespasian,  himself  old-fashioned  in  his  dress  and  diet. 
Henceforth  a  respectful  feeling  toward  the  prince  and  a 
love  of  emulation  proved  more  effective  than  legal  penalties 
or  terrors.  Or  possibly  there  is  in  all  things  a  kind  of  cycle, 
and  there  may  be  moral  revolutions  just  as  there  are  changes 
of  seasons.  But  everything  was  not  better  in  the  past,  for 
our  age  too  has  produced  many  examples  of  excellence  and 
culture  for  posterity  to  imitate.  May  we  still  keep  up  with 
our  ancestors  a  rivalry  in  all  that  is  honorable  ! 

An  earnest  patron  of  learning  and  the  liberal  arts,  Vespasian 
granted  to  the  Latin  and  Greek  professors  of  rhetoric  the 
yearly  salary  of  a  hundred  thousand  sesterces  each  from  the 
treasury.  He  bought,  too,  the  freedom  of  superior  poets 
and  artists.  .  .  .  When  some  one  offered  to  convey  some 
immense  columns  into  the  Capitol  at  a  small  expense  by  a 
mechanical  contrivance,  the  emperor  rewarded  him  very 
handsomely  for  the  invention,  but  refused  to  accept  the  ser- 
vice, saying,  "  Suffer  me  to  find  maintenance  for  the  poor 
people." 


The   Destruction  of  Jerusalem      273 

Vespasian  committed  the  care  of  the  war  against  the  Jews  The  Jewish 
to  his  son  Titus ;  for  after  the  ascension  of  our  Saviour,  the      "' 
Jews,  in  addition  to  their  wickedness  against  him,  were  now  ^^as'ti- 
incessantly  plotting  mischief  against  his  apostles.    First  they  cai  History, 
slew  Stephen  by  stoning  him,  next  James,  who  first  obtained      * 
the  episcopal  seat  at  Jerusalem,  after  the  ascension  of  our 
Saviour.  .  .  .     But  the  rest  of  the  apostles  they  harassed  in 
many  ways  with  a  view  to  destroying  them,  and  they  drove 
them  from  the  land  of  Judea.     These  apostles  accordingly 
went  to  preach  the  gospel  to  all  nations,  relying  upon  the 
aid  of  Christ,  when  he  said,  "  Go  and  teach  all  nations  in  my 
name."     The  whole  body  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem,  how- 
ever,—  when  commanded  by  a  divine  revelation  given  to 
men  of  approved  piety  there  before  the  war,  —  removed  from 
the  city,  and  dwelt  at  a  certain  town  called  Pella  beyond  the 
Jordan. 

The   Jews  formed   their   line   close    under    their  walls,   Siege  of 
whence  if  successful  they  might  venture  to  advance,  and  Jerusalem- 
where  if  repulsed  they  had  a  refuge  at  hand.  .  .  .     The  tor^^sv\  llt 
Romans  then  began  to  prepare  for  an  assault.     It  seemed 
beneath  them  to  await  the  result  of  famine.  .  .  . 

But  the  commanding  situation  of  the  city  the  Jews  had 
strengthened  by  enormous  works  which  would  have  been  a 
thorough  defence  even  for  level  ground.  Two  hills  of  great 
height  they  fenced  in  with  walls  skilfully  bent  inward  in 
such  a  manner  that  the  flank  of  an  assailant  was  exposed 
to  missiles.  The  work  ended  in  a  precipice;  the  towers 
they  had  raised  to  a  height  of  sixty  feet  where  the  hill  lent 
its  aid  to  the  fortification  j  where  the  ground  fell,  they  were 
a  hundred  and  twenty  feet  high.  These  towers  presented  a 
marvellous  appearance,  and  to  a  distant  spectator  seemed  to 
be  of  uniform  height. 

There  had  been  prodigies,  which  this  nation,  prone  to  Prodigies, 
superstition  but  hating  all  religious  rites,  did  not  deem  it  Tacitus,  His- 
lawful  to  expiate  by  offerings  and  sacrifice.     They  had  seen  tortes'  v>  I3* 
hosts  joining  battle  in  the  skies,  the  fiery  gleam  of  arms,  the 

T 


274      Claudian  and   Flavian   Emperors 


Their  mean- 
ing. 


The  fate  of 
the  Jews. 

Eusebius, 
Ecclesiasti- 
cal History, 
iii.  7. 


Suetonius, 
Vespasian, 

24- 


Titus  Fla- 
vius  Vespa- 
sianus  em- 
peror, 79-81 

A.D. 

Suetonius, 
Titus,  1. 


lb.  3. 


temple  illuminated  by  a  sudden  radiance  from  the  clouds. 
The  doors  of  the  inner  shrine  suddenly  opened,  and  a  voice 
of  more  than  mortal  tone  was  heard  to  cry  that  the  Gods 
were  going  away.  At  the  same  instant  there  was  a  mighty 
stir  as  of  departure. 

A  few  put  a  fearful  meaning  on  these  events,  but  in  most 
people  was  a  firm  persuasion  that  the  ancient  records  of 
their  priests  contained  a  prediction  that  at  this  very  time 
the  East  was  to  grow  powerful,  and  rulers  from  Judea  were 
to  acquire  universal  empire.  These  mysterious  prophecies 
had  pointed  to  Vespasian  and  Titus;  but  the  common 
people,  with  the  usual  blindness  of  ambition,  had  interpreted 
these  mighty  omens  in  their  own  favor,  and  could  not  be 
brought  even  by  disasters  to  believe  the  truth. 

In  computing  the  whole  number  of  the  slain,  the  historian 
says,  that  eleven  hundred  thousand  perished  by  famine,  and 
that  the  rest,  including  factions  and  robbers,  mutually  in- 
forming against  each  other  after  the  capture,  were  put  to 
death.  Of  the  young  men  the  tallest  and  those  distinguished 
for  beauty  were  kept  for  the  triumph.  Of  the  remaining 
multitude  all  above  seventeen  were  sent  as  prisoners  to  labor 
in  the  mines  of  Egypt.  Great  numbers,  however,  were 
distributed  among  the  provinces,  to  be  destroyed  by  the 
sword  or  by  wild  beasts  in  the  theatres.  Those  under  seven- 
teen were  carried  away  to  be  sold  as  slaves.  In  the  last- 
named  class  alone  were  as  many  as  ninety  thousand. 

Vespasian  died  on  the  eighth  of  the  calends  of  July  at  the 
age  of  sixty-nine  years. 

Titus 

Titus,  who  had  the  same  surname  as  his  father,  was  the 
darling  and  delight  of  mankind ;  so  much  did  the  natural 
genius,  address,  and  good  fortune  he  possessed  tend  to  win 
the  favor  of  all. 

While  yet  a  boy,  he  was  remarkable  for  his  noble  endow- 
ments of  body  and  mind ;  and  as  he  advanced  in   years, 


Character  275 

these  qualities  became  still  more  prominent.  His  fine  per- 
son combined  an  equal  mixture  of  majesty  and  grace ; 
though  strong,  he  was  not  tall  but  somewhat  corpulent. 
Gifted  with  an  excellent  memory  and  a  capacity  for  all  the 
arts  of  peace  and  war,  he  was  a  perfect  master  of  the  use  of 
arms  and  riding,  very  ready  in  the  Latin  and  Greek  lan- 
guages both  in  verse  and  in  prose ;  and  such  was  the  facility  he 
possessed  in  both  that  he  would  make  speeches  and  versify 
extempore. 

So  far  from  being  unacquainted  with  music,  he  could  sing 
and  play  on  the  harp  sweetly  and  scientifically.  I  have  been 
told,  too,  by  many  persons  that  he  was  remarkably  quick  in 
writing  short-hand.  Often  in  merriment  and  jest  he  would 
engage  with  his  secretaries  in  the  imitation  of  any  handwrit- 
ing lie  saw,  and  would  often  say,  "  I  am  admirably  qualified 
for  forgery." 

Some   dreadful   accidents   happened   in   his  reign,  —  an  The 
eruption  of  Mount  Vesuvius  in  Campania,  and  a  fire  at  Vesuvius* 
Rome  which  continued  during  three  days  and  three  nights.  79  a.d. 
Then,  too,  there  was  a  plague  such  as  was  scarcely  ever  Suetonius, 

i  1     r  Titus,  8. 

known  before. 

During  many  days  there  had  been  shocks  of  an  earth-  Pliny  (the 
quake,  which  alarmed  us  little,  as  they  are  frequent  in  Cam-  better s^wx' 20 
pania ;  but  they  were  so  violent  that  night  that  they  not 
only  shook  everything  about  us,  but  seemed  in  fact  to 
threaten  total  destruction.  My  mother  flew  to  my  room, 
where  she  found  me  rising  in  order  to  awaken  her.  We 
went  out  into  a  small  court  belonging  to  the  house,  which 
separated  the  sea  from  the  building.  It  was  now  morning, 
but  the  light  was  very  faint  and  languid ;  the  buildings  all 
round  us  tottered,  and  though  we  stood  on  open  ground,  yet 
as  the  place  was  narrow  and  confined,  there  was  no  remain- 
ing without  imminent  danger. 

We  therefore  resolved  to  leave  the  town.    The  people  Flight  of 
followed  us  in  the  utmost  consternation,  and  pressed    in  hisnmother 
great  crowds  about  us  on  our  way  out.      After  going  a  con- 


276     Claudian  and  Flavian  Emperors 


On  the  road 
to  Misenum. 


In  total 
darkness. 


venient  distance  from  the  houses,  we  stood  still  in  the  midst 
of  a  most  dangerous  and  awe-inspiring  scene.  The  carriages 
we  had  ordered  to  be  drawn  out  were  so  agitated  backward 
and  forward,  though  on  the  most  level  ground,  that  we  could 
not  keep  them  steady  even  by  supporting  them  with  large 
stones.  The  sea  seemed  to  roll  back  upon  itself,  and  to  be 
driven  from  its  banks  by  the  convulsive  motions  of  the 
earth.  Certainly  the  shore  was  considerably  enlarged  and 
several  sea-animals  were  left  on  it.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
black  and  dreadful  cloud,  bursting  with  fiery,  serpentine 
vapor,  darted  out  a  long  train  of  flame,  which  resembled 
flashes  of  lightning,  but  were  much  larger.  .  .  . 

Soon  afterward  the  cloud  seemed  to  descend,  and  cover 
the  whole  ocean  ;  as  in  fact  it  entirely  hid  the  island  of 
Capreae  and  the  promontory  of  Misenum.  My  mother  con- 
jured me  to  make  my  escape  at  any  rate,  which,  as  I  was 
young,  I  might  easily  accomplish.  As  for  herself,  she  said, 
her  age  and  corpulency  rendered  all  attempts  of  that  sort 
impossible  ;  she  would  willingly  meet  death,  however,  if  she 
could  have  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  that  she  was  not  the 
occasion  of  mine.  But  I  absolutely  refused  to  leave  her; 
and  taking  her  by  the  hand,  I  led  her  on.  She  complied 
with  great  reluctance,  and  not  without  many  reproaches  to 
herself  for  being  the  cause  of  retarding  my  flight.  The 
ashes  now  began  to  fall  upon  us,  though  in  no  great  quan- 
tity. I  turned  my  head  and  saw  behind  us  a  thick  smoke, 
which  came  rolling  after  us  like  a  torrent.  I  proposed  while 
we  had  yet  any  light,  to  turn  out  of  the  high  road,  lest  she 
should  be  pressed  to  death  in  the  dark  by  the  crowd  which 
followed  us. 

We  had  scarcely  stepped  out  of  the  path,  when  darkness 
overspread  us,  not  like  that  of  a  cloudy  night,  or  when  there 
is  no  moon,  but  of  a  room  when  it  is  shut  up  and  all  the 
lights  extinct.  Nothing  then  was  to  be  heard  but  the  shrieks 
of  women,  the  screams  of  children,  and  the  cries  of  men. 
Some  were  calling  for  their  children,  others  for  their  parents, 


The  Eruption  of  Vesuvius         277 

others  for  their  husbands;  they  distinguished  one  another 
only  by  the  voice.  One  was  lamenting  his  own  fate,  another 
that  of  his  family ;  some  were  wishing  to  die  from  very 
fear  of  dying ;  some  were  lifting  their  hands  to  the  gods  ; 
but  the  greater  number  imagined  that  the  last  and  eternal 
night  had  come,  to  destroy  the  gods  and  the  world 
together.  .  .  . 

At  length  a  glimmering  light  appeared,  which  we  imagined  Fire  and 
to  be  the  forerunner  of  an  approaching  burst  of  flame  rather  ashes- 
than  the  return  of  day,  and  in  this  respect  we  were  right. 
The  fire  fell  at  a  distance  from  us,  however,  and  then  we 
were  immersed  in  thick  darkness  ;  a  heavy  shower  of  ashes 
fell  upon  us,  which  we  were  obliged  every  now  and  then  to 
shake  off,  otherwise  we  should  have  been  overwhelmed  and 
buried  in  a  heap.  ...  At  last  this  terrible  darkness  gradu- 
ally faded,  like  a  cloud  of  smoke  j  the  real  day  returned  and 
even  the  sun  appeared,  though  very  faintly,  just  as  when  an 
eclipse  is  coming  on.  Every  object  which  presented  itself 
seemed  changed,  for  it  was  covered  with  white  ashes,  as  with 
a  deep  snow. 

We  returned  to  Misenum,  where  we  refreshed  ourselves  as  At 
well  as  we  could,  and  passed   an   anxious  night  between  Mlsenum- 
hope  and  fear,  though  in  fact  with  a  much  larger  share  of  (Pliny  the 
the  latter.  .  .  .    Notwithstanding  the  danger  we  had  passed,   waseobser°- 
and  that  which  still  threatened  us,  my  mother   and  I  had   inS  the  eruP- 
no  intention  of  leaving   Misenum   till  we   should    receive 
some  account  of  my  uncle. 

Amid   these  many  great  disasters  Titus  showed  not  only  The 
the  concern   which  might  be  expected  from   a  prince,  but  £SdnessS 
even  the   affection  of  a  father   for   his   people.  ...      He  Suetonius 
chose  by  lot  from  among  the  men  of  consular   rank  com-    Titus,  8. 
mission ers    for    repairing    the    losses    in    Campania.     The 
estates  of  those  who  had  perished  by  the  eruption  of  Vesu- 
vius, and  who  had  left  no  heirs,  he  applied  to  the  repair  of 
the  ruined  cities. 

Amid  all  these  favorable  circumstances  he  was  cut  off  by  lb.  10. 


278      Claudian  and  Flavian   Emperors 


Titus 

Flavius  Do- 
nntiamis 
emperor,  81- 
96  A.D. 

Eutropius 
vii.  23. 


Suetonius, 
Domitian,  9. 


A  patron  of 
learning. 

Suetonius, 
Domitian,  20. 

Cf.  p.  275. 


Military 
affairs. 

Suetonius, 
Domitian.  6. 


an  untimely  death,  more  to  the  loss  of  mankind  than  of 
himself. 

Domitian 

The  person  who  next  received  the  imperial  dignity  was 
Domitian,  the  younger  brother  of  Titus,  but  more  like 
Nero,  Caligula,  or  Tiberius  than  like  his  father  or  brother.  In 
the  beginning  of  his  reign,  however,  he  used  his  power 
with  moderation. 

On  his  first  coming  into  authority,  he  felt  great  abhor- 
rence for  the  shedding  of  blood.  Before  his  father's  arrival 
in  Rome,  Domitian  called  to  mind  the  verse  of  Vergil, 

Ere  impious  man,  restrained  from  blood  in  vain, 
Began  to  feast  on  flesh  of  bullocks  slain. 

Filled  with  this  sentiment,  he  planned  to  issue  a  procla- 
mation to  forbid  the  sacrifice  of  oxen.  Before  his  accession 
to  power  and  for  some  time  afterward  he  hardly  gave  the 
least  ground  for  being  suspected  of  covetousness  or  avarice ; 
on  the  contrary  he  often  afforded  proofs  not  only  of  his 
justice,  but  of  his  liberality. 

Though  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  gave  up  the 
study  of  the  liberal  sciences,  he  took  care  to  restore,  at  a 
vast  expense,  the  libraries  which  had  been  burned.  Every- 
where he  collected  manuscripts,  and  he  sent  scribes  to 
Alexandria,  to  copy  or  to  correct  them.  Yet  he  never  gave 
himself  the  trouble  to  read  history  or  poetry,  or  to  use  his 
pen  even  for  his  private  purposes.  He  read  nothing  but 
the  Commentaries  and  Acts  of  Tiberius  Caesar.  His  letters, 
speeches,  and  edicts  were  all  drawn  up  for  him  by  others ; 
though  he  could  converse  with  elegance,  and  sometimes  ex- 
pressed himself  in  memorable  language. 

He  undertook  several  expeditions,  some  from  choice  and 
some  from  necessity.  That  against  the  Catti  was  unpro- 
voked, but  the  one  against  the  Sarmations  was  necessary ; 
for  an  entire  legion,  with  the  commander,  had  been  des- 
troyed by  them.       Two  expeditions   he   sent  against   the 


The  Conquest  of  Britain  279 

Dacians.      (Through  Agricola  he  completed  the  conquest  (TheCatti.or 
Of  Britain.)  Cha«,,were 

Appointed  governor  of  Britain,  Agricola  chose  rather  to   man  tribe; 
confer  offices  and  employments  upon  such   as  would   not  noerth  oi^the 
offend,  than   to  condemn  those  who  had  offended.      The   Danube 

,  .        r  .  -    ,  ...  .,  were  prob- 

expense  resulting  from  an  increase  of  the  military  tribunes   ably  related 

he  made  easier  by  a  just  and  equal  assessment ;  he  abolished  ^an^-'the1" 

those  private  exactions  which  were  more  grievous  than  the   Sarmatians, 

taxes  themselves.     For  the  inhabitants  had  been  compelled  Europe.'were 

in  mockery  to  sit  by  their  own  locked- up  granaries,  to  buy  mostly 

corn  needlessly,  and  to  sell  it  again  at  a  stated  price.    Long 

and  difficult  journeys  had  also  been  imposed  upon  them ;      n  ai 

for  the  several  districts,  instead  of  being  allowed  to  supply  Agricola,  19. 

the  nearest  winter  quarters,  were  forced  to  carry  their  corn 

to  remote  and  out-of-the-way  places.     Thus  what  was  easy 

for  all  to  procure  was  converted  into  an  article  of  gain  to 

a  few. 

By  suppressing  these  abuses  in  the  first  year  of  his  admin-  ib.  20. 
istration,  he  established  a  favorable  idea  of  peace,  which 
through  the  negligence  or  oppression  of  earlier  rulers,  had 
been  no  less  dreaded  than  war. 

In  order  by  a  taste  of  pleasure  to  reclaim  the  natives  from   Civilization 
that  rude  and  unsettled  state  which  prompted  them  to  war,   ^neduca' 
and  win  them  to  peace  and  quiet,  he   induced   them   by  Tacitus 
private  urging  and  public  encouragements  to  erect  temples,   Agricola,  21. 
courts  of  justice,  and  dwelling-houses.     He  bestowed  praise 
upon  those  who  were  prompt  in  carrying  out  his  intention, 
and  reprimanded  the  slow.     In  this  way  he  promoted  the 
spirit  of  emulation  which  had  all  the  force  of  necessity. 

Preferring  the  natural  genius  of  the  Britons  to  the  attain- 
ments of  the  Gauls,  he  took  care  to  provide  a  liberal  educa- 
tion for  the  sons  of  the  chieftains.  .  .  .  These  attempts  met 
with  such  success  that  they  who  lately  disdained  to  use  the 
Roman  language  were  now  ambitious  to  become  eloquent. 
Hence  they  began  to  hold  the  Roman  dress  in  honor  and 
to  wear  the  toga. 


280     Claudian  and  Flavian  Emperors 


Retirement 
of  Agricola. 

Tacitus, 
Agricola, 
39- 
lb.  40. 


Domitian's 
archery. 

Suetonius, 
Domitian,  19. 


Justice. 

Suetonius, 
Domitian,  8. 


Domitian's  greatest  dread  was  that  the  name  of  a  private 
person  might  be  exalted  above  that  of  a  prince.  Agricola 
had  delivered  the  province  in  peace  and  security  to  his 
successor;  and  lest  his  entrance  into  the  city  might  be 
rendered  too  conspicuous  by  the  gathering  and  the  acclama- 
tions of  the  people,  he  declined  the  salutations  of  his  friends 
by  arriving  in  the  night ;  and  he  went  by  night,  as  he  was 
commanded,  to  the  palace.  There  after  being  received  with 
a  slight  embrace  but  with  not  a  word  spoken,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  mingle  with  the  servile  throng. 

In  this  situation  he  tried  by  the  practice  of  new  virtues 
to  soften  the  glare  of  military  reputation,  which  is  offensive 
to  those  who  themselves  live  in  indolence.  Resigning  him- 
self to  ease  and  quiet,  he  was  modest  in  his  garb  and  equi- 
page, affable  in  conversation,  and  in  public  was  accompanied 
by  one  or  two  only  of  his  friends.  The  many  are  accustomed 
to  form  their  ideas  of  great  men  from  their  retinue  and  figure. 
When  they  saw  Agricola,  accordingly,  they  were  apt  to  call 
in  question  his  renown ;  few  could  interpret  his  conduct. 

Domitian  did  not  like  the  exercise  of  arms,  but  was  ex- 
pert in  the  use  of  the  bow.  Many  persons  have  often  seen 
him  kill  a  hundred  wild  animals  of  various  kinds  at  his 
Alban  retreat.  He  would  cleverly  fix  two  arrows  in  each 
one's  head  like  a  pair  of  horns.  Sometimes  he  would  aim 
the  arrows  with  such  precision  against  the  expanded  hand 
of  a  boy  standing  at  a  distance,  that  they  all  passed  between 
the  boy's  fingers  without  hurting  him. 

In  the  administration  of  justice  he  was  careful  and  dili- 
gent; and  he  often  sat  in  the  Forum  to  cancel  the  judg- 
ments of  the  Court  of  One  Hundred,  which  had  been 
procured  through  favor  or  interest.  ...  On  judges  con- 
victed of  taking  bribes,  as  well  as  on  their  assistants,  he  set 
a  mark  of  infamy.  ...  He  took  such  care,  too,  in  pun- 
ishing magistrates  of  the  city  and  governors  of  provinces, 
guilty  of  malversation,  that  they  were  never  at  any  other 
time  more  moderate  or  more  just. 


Personal  Appearance 


281 


Personal 
appearance. 

Suetonius, 
Domitian,  18. 


He  was  tall,  with  a  modest,  ruddy  face.  Though  his  eyes 
were  large,  he  was  dim-sighted.  Naturally  graceful  in  per- 
son, especially  in  his  youth,  —  excepting  only  that  his  toes 
were  bent  somewhat  inward,  —  he  was  at  last  disfigured  by 
baldness,  corpulence,  and  a  slenderness  of  his  legs,  which  a 
long  illness  had  reduced.  ...  In  a  small  tract  which  he 
published  and  addressed  to  a  friend  Concerning  the  Preser- 
vation of  the  Hair,  he  uses  for  their  mutual  consolation  the 
following  words  :  — 

"  '  Seest  thou  my  graceful  mien,  my  stately  form? '  And  yet  the  fate 
of  my  hair  awaits  me.  I  bear  with  fortitude,  however,  this  loss  of  my 
hair  while  I  am  still  young.  Remember  that  nothing  is  more  fascinating 
than  beauty,  but  nothing  of  shorter  duration." 

The  people  showed  little  concern  at  his  death  (by  assassi-   Death 
nation),  but  the  soldiers  were  roused  by  it  to  great  indigna- 
tion, and  immediately  tried  to  have  him  ranked  among  the 
gods. 

Life  and  Manners 


Suetonius, 
Domitian,  23. 


The  poor  among  the  Romans  ought  long  ago  to  have  emi- 
grated in  a  body.  Not  easily  do  those  emerge  from  obscur- 
ity whose  noble  qualities  are  cramped  by  domestic  poverty  : 
but  at  Rome  the  attempt  is  still  harder  for  them;  a  great 
price  must  be  paid  for  a  wretched  lodging,  a  great  price  for 
a  slave's  keep,  a  great  price  for  a  modest  little  dinner.  A 
man  is  ashamed  to  dine  off  earthenware,  which  he  would  not 
think  discreditable  if  he  were  suddenly  transported  to  the 
Marsians  and  a  Sabine  repast,  and  contented  there  with 
wearing  a  thick,  sea-green  capote. 

There  is  a  large  part  of  Italy,  if  we  accept  the  truth,  in 
which  no  one  wears  a  toga  but  the  dead.  Whenever  even 
the  majesty  of  festive  days  is  celebrated  in  a  grassy  theatre, 
and  at  length  the  well-known  interlude  appears  on  the  stage, 
when  the  rustic  infant  in  its  mother's  lap  is  frightened  at  the 
gaping  of  the  ghastly  mask,  there  you  will  see  an  equality  of 
dress,  in  the  orchestra  stalls  and  among  the  people  alike ; 


City  and 
country  life. 

Juvenal, 
Satires,  iii. 


(The  Mar- 
sians, the 
Sabines,  and 
other  rural 
people  of 
Italy  lived 
far  more 
simply  than 
the  Romans 
of  this  time.) 


282      Claudian  and  Flavian   Emperors 


Dress  in 
country  and 
city. 


Falling 
houses. 


Scene  at  a 
fire;  Ucale- 
gon  burned 
out. 


Codrus 
burned  out. 


A  rich 
man's  fire. 


and  as  the  garb  of  their  high  office,  white  tunics  are  sufficient 
for  the  highest  aediles. 

Here  (in  Rome)  splendor  of  dress  is  carried  beyond  peo- 
ple's means ;  here  something  more  than  is  enough  is  occa- 
sionally taken  out  of  another  man's  strong-box.  This  vice 
is  common  to  us  all  j  here  all  of  us  live  in  a  state  of  preten- 
tious poverty.  Why  detain  you  further?  In  Rome  every- 
thing costs  a  price.  .  .  . 

Who  fears,  or  ever  has  feared,  the  falling  of  a  house  at 
cool  Prseneste,  or  at  Volsinii  seated  among  the  wooded  hills, 
or  at  primitive  Gabii,  or  on  the  heights  of  sloping  Tibur? 
We  inhabit  a  city  propped  up  to  a  great  extent  with  thin 
buttresses ;  for  in  this  way  the  steward  prevents  the  houses 
from  falling ;  and  when  he  has  plastered  over  the  gaping  of 
an  old  crack,  he  bids  us  sleep  secure,  with  ruin  overhanging 
us.  The  place  to  live  in  is  where  there  are  no  fires,  no 
nocturnal  alarms. 

Already  Ucalegon  is  calling  for  water,  already  he  is  remov- 
ing his  chattels,  already  your  third  story  is  smoking :  you 
yourself  know  nothing  about  it ;  for  if  the  alarm  begins  from 
the  bottom  of  the  stairs,  he  will  be  the  last  to  burn  whom 
the  tiling  alone  protects  from  the  rain,  where  the  soft  doves 
lay  their  eggs. 

Codrus  had  a  couch  too  small  for  his  Procula,  six  little 
jugs,  the  ornament  of  his  sideboard,  and  a  tiny  drinking  cup 
beneath  into  the  bargain,  and  a  figure  of  Chiron  reclining 
under  the  same  marble  ;  a  chest,  old  by  this  time,  contained 
some  Greek  books,  and  the  barbarian  mice  were  gnawing 
the  divine  poems.  Codrus  had  nothing;  who  denies  this? 
And  yet  the  wretched  man  lost  all  that  nothing  (by  the  fire)  ; 
but  the  crowning  point  of  his  misery  is,  that  though  naked 
and  begging  for  broken  scraps,  no  one  will  help  him  with 
food,  no  one  with  shelter  or  a  roof. 

If  the  great  house  of  Asturicus  has  been  destroyed,  we 
have  the  matrons  dishevelled,  the  nobles  in  mourning,  the 
praetor  adjourning  his  court ;    then  we  groan  over  the  acci- 


Life  in   Rome 


283 


dents  of  the  town,  then  we  detest  fire.  The  fire  is  still  burn- 
ing and  already  some  one  runs  up  to  make  a  present  of 
marbles,  and  share  in  the  expenses  of  rebuilding.  One  will 
contribute  nude,  white  statues,  another  some  masterpiece  of 
Euphranor  or  Polycletus ;  some  lady  will  give  antique  orna- 
ments of  Asiatic  gods,  another  man  books  and  bookcases 
and  a  bust  of  Minerva,  another  a  bushel  of  silver.  Persicus 
replaces  what  is  lost  by  choicer  and  more  numerous  objects, 
most  sumptuous  of  childless  men,  and  is  suspected  with  reason 
of  having  himself  set  fire  to  his  own  house. 

If  you  are  capable  of  being  torn  away  from  the  games  of 
the  Circus,  an  excellent  house  can  be  procured  at  Sora,  or 
Fabrateria,  or  Frusino,  for  the  same  price  at  which  you  now 
hire  a  dark  hole  for  a  single  year.  There  you  have  a  little 
garden ;  and  a  shallow  well,  that  does  not  require  to  be 
worked  with  a  rope,  irrigates  your  tender  plants  with  easy 
draught.  Live  in  love  with  your  hoe,  and  the  overseer  of 
your  own  trim  garden,  from  which  you  could  furnish  a  banquet 
for  a  hundred  Pythagoreans.  It  is  something,  in  whatever 
place,  to  have  made  yourself  the  owner  of  a  single  lizard. 

Many  a  sick  man  here  dies  from  want  of  sleep,  the  indis- 
position itself  having  been  produced  by  food  undigested, 
and  clinging  to  the  fevered  stomach.  For  what  hired  lodg- 
ings allow  of  sleep?  Rich  men  alone  can  sleep  in  the  city. 
Hence  the  origin  of  the  disease.  The  passage  of  carriages 
in  the  narrow  windings  of  the  streets,  and  the  abuse  of  the 
drovers  from  the  herds  when  they  are  brought  to  a  stand, 
would  rob  of  sleep  even  Drusus  and  the  sea-calves. 

If  invited  to  a  "  function,"  the  rich  man  will  be  carried 
through  the  yielding  crowd,  and  will  speed  over  their  heads 
on  his  huge  Liburnian  bearers,  and  will  read  on  his  way,  or 
write,  or  even  sleep  inside ;  for  a  litter  with  closed  windows 
is  productive  of  sleep.  Yet  he  will  arrive  before  us ;  we,  in 
our  hurry,  are  impeded  by  a  wave  in  front,  while  the  multi- 
tude which  follows  us  presses  on  our  sides  in  dense  array ; 
one  strikes  me  with  his  elbow,  another  with  a  hard  pole,  one 


11  Buy  a 

country 
home." 


(The  Pythag- 
oreans were 
vegetarians ; 
Greece, 
P-  95-) 

"You  can- 
not sleep  in 
Rome." 

(The  em- 
peror Clau- 
dius Drusus 
and  the  sea- 
calves  were 
famous 
sleepers.) 


284     Claudian  and  Flavian   Emperors 


The  dangers 
of  the  night ; 
falling  pot- 
tery. 


Drunkards, 
burglars, 
and  foot- 
pads. 


"  Off  for  the 
country." 


knocks  a  beam  against  my  head,  another  a  wine-jar.  My 
legs  are  sticky  with  mud ;  before  long  I  am  trodden  on  upon 
all  sides  by  large  feet,  and  the  hobnails  of  a  soldier  stick 
into  my  toe.  .  .  . 

Observe  now  the  different  and  distinct  dangers  of  the 
night ;  what  a  height  it  is  to  the  lofty  house-tops,  from  which 
a  piece  of  pottery  strikes  your  pate  as  often  as  cracked  and 
broken  utensils  fall  from  the  windows ;  with  what  a  weight 
they  dint  and  damage  the  flint  pavement  when  they  strike  it. 
You  may  well  be  accounted  remiss  and  improvident  about  a 
sudden  accident,  if  you  go  out  to  supper  without  having 
made  your  will.  .  .  . 

(The  drunken  and  insolent  fellow)  despises  me,  whom  the 
moon  escorts  home,  or  the  dim  light  of  a  candle,  whose 
wick  I  regulate  and  husband.  Mark  the  preliminaries  of  the 
wretched  brawl,  if  brawl  it  be,  where  he  strikes  and  I  alone 
am  beaten.  He  stands  facing  you,  and  orders  you  to  stand ; 
you  must  needs  obey,  for  what  are  you  to  do  when  a  mad- 
man forces  you,  and  he  too  stronger  than  yourself  ?  "  Whence 
do  you  come?"  he  exclaims.  "With  whose  vinegar,  with 
whose  beans  are  you  gorged?  What  cobbler  cut  leeks  or 
sodden  sheep's-head  with  you?  Do  you  answer  me  nothing? 
Speak,  or  be  kicked  !  Tell  me  where  you  take  up  your  beg- 
ging-stand ;  in  what  synagogue  am  I  to  look  for  you?  "  It  is 
all  the  same  whether  you  try  to  say  anything,  or  draw  back  in 
silence  ;  they  beat  you  just  the  same ;  then,  as  if  in  passion, 
they  try  to  make  you  give  bail.  This  is  the  liberty  of  a  poor 
man ;  after  being  beaten  he  prays,  and  after  being  thrashed 
with  fisty- cuffs,  he  entreats  to  be  allowed  to  retire  from  the 
scene  with  a  few  teeth  left  him.  Nor  yet  are  such  things  all 
you  have  to  fear ;  for  there  will  not  be  wanting  one  who  will 
plunder  you  after  the  houses  are  closed,  and  in  all  directions  the 
fastenings  of  the  chained-up  shops  are  fixed  and  at  rest.  .  .  . 

To  these  reasons  (for  disliking  city  life)  I  could  add  many 
others ;  but  my  steeds  summon  me,  and  the  sun  is  declining ; 
I  must  be  off  (for  the  country). 


Studies  285 


STUDIES 

1.  Give  an  account  of  the  life  and  occupation  of  Claudius  before 
his  accession. 

2.  Why  should  he  be  called  "  a  learned  fool  "  ?  How  does  his  cen- 
sorship show  that  his  mind  was  somewhat  unbalanced  ? 

3.  What  proves  his  breadth  of  view  in  contrast  with  the  narrowness 
of  the  senators  ?     What  had  he  learned  from  the  study  of  history  ? 

4.  Describe  his  personal  appearance  and  manners. 

5.  Give  an  account  of  the  accession  of  Nero.  Who  were  his 
advisers  ? 

6.  What  promises  did  he  make  in  his  inaugural  speech  to  the 
senate  ?     Who  was  probably  the  author  of  this  address  ? 

7.  Describe   his  accomplishments   in   music ;    his   Golden  House. 

8.  When  a  master  was  assassinated,  what  was  done  with  the  slaves  ? 
Why  did  the  populace  try  to  prevent  the  enforcement  of  this  law  ? 
Who  showed  themselves  the  more  humane,  the  senators  or  the  com- 
mon people  ? 

9.  Describe  the  great  fire  at  Rome.  Was  Nero  probably  respon- 
sible for  it  ?  What  did  he  do  to  relieve  the  distress  and  repair  the 
damage  ?     Compare  new  Rome  with  the  old. 

10.  Why  did  Nero  persecute  the  Christians  ? 

11.  Give  an  account  of  the  reign  of  Vespasian.  Was  he  really 
avaricious  (cf.  Rome,  p.  235)  ?     What  public  buildings  did  he  erect  ? 

12.  How  did  he  improve  the  morals  of  society  ? 

13.  Give  an  account  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem. 

14.  Describe  the  character  of  Titus.  How  did  he  resemble  his 
father  ? 

15.  Summarize  Pliny's  story  of  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius.  What 
may  we  infer  from  this  story  as  to  Pliny's  character  ? 

16.  Compare  the  character  of  Domitian  (1)  with  that  of  Titus  and 
Vespasian,  (2)  with  that  of  Tiberius.  What  were  the  good  features  of 
his  character  ? 

17.  Give  an  account  of  Agricola  in  Britain.  Why  did  he  retire  into 
private  life  ? 

18.  What  were  the  comparative  advantages  and  disadvantages  of 
city  and  country  life  at  this  time,  as  illustrated  by  the  passage  from 
Juvenal  ?  What  may  we  learn  from  this  extract  regarding  the  manners 
and  habits  of  the  Romans  ? 


CHAPTER   XI 
The  Five  Good  Emperors 

(96-180   A.D.) 
NERVA 


Nerva 

emperor,  96- 
98  A.D. 

Aurelius  Vic- 
tor, Roman 
Emperors, 
11. 


(His  ances- 
tors had 
come  from 
Crete  to 
Narnia,  Um- 
bria.) 

lb.  12. 


The  emper- 
or's burden. 

(Grandfather 
of  the  em- 
peror Anto- 
ninus.) 


Thus  far  the  rulers  of  the  empire  were  Romans  or  Ital- 
ians ;  thereafter  some  of  them  were  aliens.  This  fact  proves 
that  Rome  grew  great  through  the  merits  of  foreigners ;  for 
who  could  have  been  wiser  or  more  moderate  than  Nerva? 
who  more  divine  than  Trajan?  who  more  excellent  than 
Hadrian  ? 

Cocceius  Nerva  was  born  in  the  town  of  Narnia,  and 
reigned  a  year,  four  months,  and  ten  days.  Soon  after  he 
had  accepted  the  imperial  office,  a  rumor  spread  that  Domi- 
tian  was  still  alive  and  would  shortly  make  his  appearance. 
The  report  so  terrified  Nerva  that  he  turned  pale  and 
speechless,  and  could  scarcely  stand  erect.  Reassured  by 
Parthenius,  however,  he  recovered  courage,  and  directed  his 
thoughts  to  the  pleasant  festivity  of  the  inauguration. 

The  senators  received  him  with  congratulations ;  but  one 
of  them,  Arrius  Antoninus,  an  energetic  man  and  an  intimate 
friend  of  Nerva,  made  some  true  remarks  on  the  unenviable 
lot  of  rulers  ;  and  after  embracing  the  new  emperor,  he  said  : 
"  I  congratulate  the  senate,  the  people,  and  the  provinces, 
but  not  Nerva,  who  in  fact  has  been  more  fortunate  in 
always  escaping  the  wrath  of  bad  princes  than  in  having  now 
to  endure  so  heavy  a  burden ;  for  he  must  expose  himself, 
not  only  to  anxieties  and  dangers  but  to  all  the  idle  talk  of 

286 


The  Mildest  Emperor  287 

friends  and  foes  alike.  And  it  often  happens  that  when 
friends  think  they  deserve  everything,  but  are  unable  to 
obtain  the  favor  they  seek,  they  become  more  implacable 
than  declared  enemies." 

Nerva  remitted  all  the  tribute  which  had  been  imposed  Nerva's 
for  punishment  and  was  still  due  ;   he  came  to  the  relief  of     enev0  ence* 
cities  in  distress  ;  and  he  enacted  that  the  children,  —  both 
boys  and  girls,  —  of  poor  parents  should  be  supported  in  the 
towns  of  Italy  at  public  expense. 

Junius  Mauricus,  a  trustworthy  friend,  (ironically)  advised  Too  mild 
him  one  day  not  to  be  afraid  to  give  free  access  to  the  evil-  wrong-doers, 
minded.  Invited  by  the  emperor  to  a  private  dinner,  Mau- 
ricus saw  reclining  at  the  table  a  certain  Veiento,  who  had 
held  the  office  of  consul  under  Domitian,  and  yet  had 
brought  anonymous  accusations  against  many  persons.  In 
the  course  of  conversation  mention  happened  to  be  made  of 
Catullus,  a  notorious  informer  j  and  when  Nerva  asked  what 
Catullus  would  now  be  doing,  had  he  survived  Domitian, 
Mauricus  replied,  "  He  would  be  dining  with  us." 

Nerva  was  learned  in  the  science  of  law,  and  constantly 
attended  the  courts.  When  Calpurnius  Crassus  was  found 
guilty  of  having  tried  with  boundless  promises  to  corrupt  the 
loyalty  of  the  soldiers,  and  had  confessed  the  wrong,  Nerva 
merely  banished  him  and  his  wife  to  Tarentum,  in  spite  of 
the  reproaches  which  the  senators  heaped  upon  his  mild- 
ness. 

When  asked  to  give  up  the  murderers  of  Domitian  The  murder- 
to  be  put  to  death,  he  was  so  terrified  that  he  lost  control  *£n°f  Domi- 
of  himself.  Nevertheless  he  resisted  the  demand  with  all  his 
might,  saying  over  and  over  that  he  would  rather  die  than 
stain  the  imperial  authority  with  such  a  crime,  or  betray 
those  who  had  raised  him  to  his  present  office.  The  soldiers 
paid  no  attention  to  the  prince,  however,  and  when  they  had 
got  the  murderers  in  their  power,  they  killed  Petronius  with 
one  blow,  and  strangled  Parthenius  after  mutilating  him. 
Casperius  (the  pretorian  prefect  involved  in  the  conspiracy 


288         The  Five  Good  Emperors 

against  Domitian)  bought  his  life  by  the  payment  of  a  large 
sum  of  money.  Made  more  insolent  by  his  success  in  the 
terrible  crime,  he  compelled  Nerva  in  an  assembly  of  the 
people  to  thank  the  soldiers  for  having  put  to  death  "  the 
two  most  infamous  and  most  guilty  wretches  in  the  empire." 
The  The  emperor  then  adopted  Trajan  as  his  son,  and  asso- 

Tra?an°n  °f  c*ated  him  in  the  government.  .  With  him  Nerva  reigned 
no  more  than  three  months.  One  day  he  angrily  cried  out 
in  a  loud  voice  against  a  certain  Regulus,  calling  him  by 
name,  when  suddenly  he  was  seized  with  a  profuse  sweating ; 
and  as  this  symptom  passed  away  he  shivered  with  cold. 
A  fever  set  in,  from  which  he  soon  died,  in  the  sixty-third 
year  of  his  age.  At  his  funeral  his  body  was  borne  by  sena- 
tors, as  that  of  Augustus  had  been,  and  he  was  buried  in  the 
tomb  of  Augustus.  On  the  day  of  his  death  there  was  an 
eclipse  of  the  sun. 

Trajan 

Trajan  em-  Ulpius  Trajan  of  the  city  of  Tudertinum  was  named 
a?01'98"117  Ulpius  after  his  grandfather,  and  Trajan  after  Trajus,  the 
AureliusVic-  founder  of  his  father's  family,  or  (more  directly)  after  his 
tor,  Roman  father  Trajan.  In  his  reign  of  twenty  years  he  showed 
13.    r  himself  so  great  a  public  character  that  the  wonderful  genius 

(Tudertinum   of  the  most  eminent  writers  has  scarcely  been  equal  to  the 
in^acrrra"-     tas^  °*"  ^J  setting  forth  his  merits.     Receiving  the  imperial 
jan  was  born   office  at  Agrippina  (now  Cologne),  a  famous  colony  of  Gaul, 
Spain.'the       ne  proved  himself  an  able  commander  and  a  mild  ruler  — 
home  of         always  ready  to  relieve  generously  the  wants  of  the  com- 
munities of  the  empire.     Whereas  we  look  for  two  qualities 
in  the  model  prince,  —  integrity  in  peace,  bravery  in  war, 
and  prudence  everywhere,  —  Trajan  had  all  excellent  quali- 
ties in  so  large  a  measure  that  his  character  seems  to  have 
been  a  perfect  combination  of  virtues,  excepting  that  he 
was  somewhat  too  fond  of  the  banquet  and  wine. 
Sniffy  Liberal  to  his  friends,  he  enjoyed  their  company  just  as 

merits.  though  he  were  on  their  social  level.     In  memory  of  Sura, 


Justice  and  Benevolence  289 

whose  energy  had  given  him  the  empire,  he  erected  public 
baths.  It  seems  superfluous  to  mention  each  one  of  his 
merits  in  detail,  since  it  is  enough  to  have  said  that  he 
developed  and  perfected  every  good  quality.  For  he  was 
a  tireless  worker  and  a  zealous  protector  of  good  citizens 
and  of  the  soldiers.  Especially  he  loved  genius  in  all  its 
simplicity,  and  was  a  friend  of  learning  in  every  department, 
though  he  had  little  scientific  training  and  but  moderate 
ability  as  a  speaker. 

In  the  administration  of  justice  and  in  religious  and  civil  Justice  and 
law,  he  was  a  prolific  author  of  new  regulations  as  well  as  law' 
a  faithful  guardian  of  ancient  institutions.  All  these  char- 
acteristics seem  the  greater  from  the  fact  that  after  the 
empire  had  been  overturned  and  trodden  under  by  many 
cruel  tyrants,  people  believed  that  heaven  sent  them  Trajan 
at  the  right  moment  for  remedying  this  evil  condition. 
Many  wonders  accordingly  foretold  his  accession.  For  in- 
stance, a  crow  on  the  roof  of  the  Capitoline  temple  cried 
out  in  Attic  Greek,  "It  will  be  well  (koAws  to-rat)  !  "  .  .  . 

In  his  reign  the  Tiber,  overflowing  its  banks  with  far  Misfortunes, 
greater  injury  than  had  been  the  case  under  Nerva,  destroyed 
many  houses  along  the  shores  ;  and  there  were  terrible  earth- 
quakes in  many  provinces,  a  fearful  plague  and  a  famine. 
All  these  misfortunes  Trajan  promptly  relieved ;  and  he 
passed  a  law  which  limited  the  height  of  houses  to  sixty 
feet,  that  they  might  be  in  less  danger  of  falling,  and  that 
in  case  they  should  fall,  they  might  be  repaired  at  less  ex- 
pense. For  all  these  benefits  he  received  the  name  Father 
of  his  Country. 

Greater  than  his  military  glory  was  his  ability  and  judg-   Summary  of 
ment  as  a  ruler,  for  he  conducted  himself  as  an  equal  toward  J^  Jg"ac" 
all,  often  visiting  his  friends,  either  when  they  were  ill  or  ruler, 
when  they  were  celebrating  festivals,  entertaining  them  in  his   Eutropiia 
turn  at  banquets,  where  there  was  no  distinction  of  rank,   vn1"4" 
and  riding  frequently  with  them  in  their  chariots,  in  no 
way  unjust  toward  any  of  the  senators,  or   guilty  of  any 


290         The  Five  Good  Emperors 


Eutropius 

viii.  5. 


His  achieve- 
ments in 
war. 

Eutropius 
vii.  2. 


lb.  viii.  3. 


dishonesty  to  fill  his  treasury,  exercising  liberality  to  all, 
enriching  with  offices  of  trust,  publicly  and  privately,  every 
one  whom  he  had  even  slightly  known,  building  towns 
throughout  the  world,  granting  many  immunities  to  states, 
and  doing  everything  with  gentleness  and  kindness ;  so  that 
during  his  whole  reign  there  was  but  one  senator  condemned, 
and  he  was  sentenced  by  the  senate  without  Trajan's  knowl- 
edge. Regarded  therefore  throughout  the  world  as  next 
to  a  god,  he  deservedly  obtained  the  highest  veneration 
both  in  his  lifetime  and  after  death. 

Among  his  sayings  the  following  remarkable  one  is  men- 
tioned. When  his  friends  found  fault  with  him  for  being 
too  courteous  to  everybody,  he  replied  :  "  I  am  such  an 
emperor  to  my  subjects  as  I  have  wished,  when  a  subject, 
that  emperors  should  be  to  me." 

He  exercised  the  government  in  such  a  manner  that  he 
is  deservedly  preferred  to  all  the  other  emperors.  He  was 
a  man  of  extraordinary  skill  in  managing  affairs  of  state,  and 
of  remarkable  courage.  The  limits  of  the  Roman  empire, 
which  since  the  reign  of  Augustus  had  been  defended  rather 
than  honorably  enlarged,  he  extended  far  and  wide.  He 
rebuilt  some  cities  in  Germany ;  by  the  overthrow  of  De- 
cebalus  he  subdued  Dacia,  and  formed  a  province  beyond 
the  Danube.  .  .  .  This  province  was  a  thousand  miles  in 
circumference. 

He  recovered  Armenia,  which  the  Parthians  had  seized, 
and  put  to  death  Parthamasires,  who  held  the  government 
of  that  country.  He  gave  a  king  to  the  Albanians.  He 
received  into  alliance  the  kings  of  the  Iberians,  Sarmatians, 
Bosporanians,  Arabs,  Osdroenians,  and  Colchians.  He 
gained  the  mastery  over  the  Corduenians  and  the  Marcome- 
dians,  as  well  as  over  Anthemusia,  an  extensive  region  of 
Persia.  He  conquered  and  kept  possession  of  Seleucia, 
Ctesiphon,  Babylon,  and  the  country  of  the  Messenians. 
He  advanced  as  far  as  the  boundaries  of  India  and  the  Red 
Sea,  where  he  formed  three  provinces,  —  Armenia,  Assyria, 


Death  291 

and  Mesopotamia,  including  the  tribes  which  border  on  Ma- 
dena  (Media).  Afterward  he  reduced  Arabia  to  the  form 
of  a  province,  and  fitted  out  a  fleet  for  the  Red  Sea,  to  use 
in  laying  waste  the  coasts  of  India. 

After  gaining  the  greatest  glory  both  in  the  field  and  at  His  death, 
home,  he  was  cut  off  by  sickness  at  Seleucia  in  Isauria,  as  he  Eutropims 
was  returning  from  Persia.  He  died  in  the  sixty-third  year,  V1U' 5* 
ninth  month,  and  fourth  day  of  his  age,  and  in  the  nineteenth 
year,  ninth  month,  and  fifteenth  day  of  his  reign.  Not  only 
was  he  enrolled  among  the  gods,  but  he  alone  of  all  the  em- 
perors received  burial  within  the  city.  His  bones,  contained 
in  a  golden  urn,  lie  in  the  Forum  which  he  himself  built, 
under  a  column  whose  height  is  a  hundred  and  forty-four 
feet.  So  much  respect  has  been  paid  to  his  memory  that 
even  in  our  own  times  they  shout  in  acclamation  of  the 
emperors,  "  More  fortunate  than  Augustus,  better  than  Tra- 
jan ! "  So  much  has  the  fame  of  his  goodness  prevailed 
that  it  affords  ground  for  most  noble  illustration  in  the 
hands  either  of  those  who  flatter  or  of  those  who  sincerely 
praise. 

Trajan's  Correspondence  with  Pliny,  Governor  of 
Bithynia 

To  the  Emperor  Trajan  : 

I  am  at  present  engaged  in  examining  the  finances  of  the  The  finances 
Prusenses,  their  disbursements  and  credits ;  and  the  farther  £ipfUmUm~ 
I  proceed  in  this  affair,  the  more  I  am  convinced  of  the   P]in    Let_ 
necessity  of  my  inquiry.    Several  considerable  sums  of  money  ten,  16  (or 
are  owing  to  the  city  from  private  persons,  who  on  various 
pretences  neglect  to  pay  the  debts.     On  the  other  hand,  I 
find  the  public  funds  are  in  some  instances  unwarrantably 
applied. 

This,  Sir,  I  write  to  you  immediately  on  my  arrival.     I  en-   "  Send  a 
tered  this  province  on  the  seventeenth  of  September,  and   survey°r- 
found  it  in  those  sentiments  of  obedience  and  loyalty  which 
you  justly  merit  from  all  mankind.     You  will  consider,  Sir, 


292         The  Five  Good   Emperors 

whether  it  would  not  be  proper  to  send  hither  a  surveyor ; 
for  I  am  inclined  to  think  much  might  be  deducted  from 
what  is  charged  by  those  who  have  the  conduct  of  public 
works,  if  an  accurate  measurement  were  to  be  taken. 


Letters,  17 
(or  29) . 


Trajan  to  Pliny: 

The  people  of  that  province  will  be  convinced,  I  persuade 
myself,  that  I  am  attentive  to  their  interests ;  as  your  con- 
duct toward  them  will  make  it  clear  that  I  could  have 
chosen  no  person  better  fitted  to  supply  my  place.  ...  I 
have  scarcely  surveyors  enough  to  inspect  those  works  which 
I  am  carrying  on  in  Rome  and  the  neighborhood;  but  per- 
sons of  integrity  and  skill  in  this  art  may  be  found  most  cer- 
tainly in  every  province,  if  you  will  make  due  inquiry. 


A  fire  in  the 
capital. 

Pliny,  Let- 
ters, 42. 


"May  we 
have  a  fire- 
company?" 


To  the  Emperor  Trajan  : 

While  I  was  making  a  journey  in  a  different  part  of  the 
province,  a  most  destructive  fire  broke  out  at  Nicomedia, 
which  consumed  not  only  several  private  houses,  but  also 
two  public  buildings,  —  the  town  house  and  the  temple  of 
Isis,  though  they  stood  on  opposite  sides  of  the  street.  The 
cause  of  its  spreading  thus  wide  was  partly  the  violence  of 
the  wind,  and  partly  the  indolence  of  the  people,  who,  it 
appears,  stood  fixed  and  idle  spectators  of  this  terrible 
calamity.  The  truth  is  that  the  city  was  not  furnished  with 
engines,  buckets,  or  any  single  instrument  for  extinguishing 
fires.  I  have  now,  however,  given  directions  to  provide  this 
apparatus. 

You  will  consider,  Sir,  whether  it  may  not  be  advisable  to 
form  a  company  of  firemen,  consisting  of  only  a  hundred 
and  fifty  members.  I  will  take  care  that  none  but  those  of 
that  occupation  shall  be  admitted  into  it ;  and  that  the  privi- 
leges granted  them  shall  not  be  extended  to  any  other  pur- 
pose. As  this  corporate  body  will  be  restricted  to  so  small 
a  number  of  members,  it  will  be  easy  to  keep  them  under 
proper  regulations. 


Corporations  293 

Trajan  to  Pliny  : 

You  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  proper  to  estab-    "  Corpora- 

lish  a  company  of  firemen  in  Nicomedia,  agreeably  to  what  ?ons  are    „ 
1        ,  .      1  .         ,  .  .         ^  ■         ,  dangerous. " 

has  been  practised  in  other  cities.   But  remember  that  socie- 
ties of  this  sort  have  greatly  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  prov-   Letters>  43< 
inces  in  general,  and  particularly  of  those  cities  in  which 
they  exist.     Whatever  name  we  give  them,  and  for  whatever 
purpose  they  may  be  instituted,  they  will  not  fail  to  form    (Private 
themselves  into  factious  assemblies,  however  short  their  meet-   *sesreemfor£jd 
ings  may  be.     It  will  therefore  be  safer  to  provide  such  ma-   den  by  a  law 
chines  as  are  of  service  in  extinguishing  fires,  to  enjoin  the  Tables?^6 
owners  of  houses  to  assist  in  preventing  the  mischief  from   P-  93-)  ' 
spreading,  and  if  it  should  be  necessary,  to  call  in  the  aid 
of  the  populace. 

To  the  Emperor  Trajan  : 

The  debts  which  were  owing  to  the  public  are  by  the  pru-   «  shall  we 

dence,  Sir,  of  your  counsels,  and  by  the  care  of  my  adminis-   compel  the 
.  ..       J  „  .  ;  J  3  councillors 

tration,  either  actually  paid,  or  are  now  recovering;  but  I  to  borrow 

fear  the  money  must  be  unemployed.    For  on  the  one  hand,   SjJJic? " 
there  are  few  or  no  opportunities  of  purchasing  land,  and  on   pii      Let_ 
the  other,  one  cannot  meet  with  any  person  who  is  willing  ters,  62. 
to  borrow  of  the  public,  —  especially  at  the  rate  of  twelve 
percent,  —  when  it  is  possible  to  raise  money  on  the  same 
terms  from  private  lenders.    You  will  therefore  consider,  Sir, 
whether  it  may  not  be  advisable,  in  order  to  invite  respon- 
sible persons  to  take  this  money,  to  lower  the  interest;  or 
if  that  scheme  should  not  succeed,  to  place  it  in  the  hands 
of  the  members  of  the  city  councils,  upon  their  giving  suffi- 
cient security  to  the  public.     And  though  they  should  not 
be  willing  to  receive  it,  yet  as  the  rate  of  interest  will  be 
abated,  the  hardship  will  be  so  much  the  less. 

Trajan  to  Pliny  : 

I  agree  with  you,  my  dear  Pliny,  that  there  seems  to  be   "Oppress no 
no  other  method  of  facilitating  the  placing  out  of  the  public   JJ^y™     1S 


294         The  Five  Good  Emperors 

Utters,  63.  money,  than  by  lowering  the  interest ;  the  rate  you  will  de- 
termine according  to  the  number  of  borrowers.  But  to  corn- 
pel  persons  to  receive  it,  who  are  not  so  disposed,  when 
possibly  they  themselves  may  have  no  opportunity  of  em- 
ploying it,  is  by  no  means  consistent  with  the  justice  of 
my  government. 

To  the  Emperor  Trajan  : 

The  Chris-  It  is  a  rule,  Sir,  which  I  inviolably  observe,  to  refer  to  you 

aan8,  in  all  my   doubts ;    for  who  is  more  able  to  remove  my 

tersj^j.  e        scruples  or  to  inform  my  ignorance?      As  I  have  never 

before  been  present  at  any  trials  of  persons  called  Christians, 

I  am  unacquainted,  not  only  with  the  nature  of  their  crimes 

and  the  degree  of  their  punishment,  but  how  far  it  is  proper 

to  enter  into  an  examination  of  them.  .  .  . 

Meanwhile  the  method  I  have  followed  toward  those  who 
have  been  brought  before  me  as  Christians  is  this  :  I  asked  them 
whether  they  were  Christians;  if  they  confessed,  I  repeated 
the  question  twice,  adding  threats ;  and  if  they  still  perse- 
vered, I  ordered  them  to  be  immediately  punished.  For 
I  was  persuaded,  whatever  the  nature  of  their  opinions 
might  be,  a  contumacious  and  inflexible  obstinacy  deserved 
correction.  .  .  . 
(Cf.  note  on  They  affirm  the  whole  of  their  guilt,  or  their  error,  was 
that  they  met  on  a  certain  stated  day  before  it  was  light,  and 
addressed  themselves  in  a  form  of  prayer  to  Christ,  as  to 
some  god,  binding  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath,  not  for  the 
purpose  of  any  wicked  deed,  but  never  to  commit  any 
fraud,  theft,  or  adultery ;  never  to  falsify  their  word,  nor  deny 
a  trust  when  they  should  be  called  upon  to  deliver  it  up ; 
afterward,  they  said,  it  was  their  custom  to  separate,  and 
then  reassemble,  to  eat  in  common  a  harmless  meal.  .  .  . 

I  deemed  it  expedient,  therefore,  to  adjourn  all  further 
proceedings,  in  order  to  consult  you.  For  it  appears  to  be 
a  matter  highly  deserving  your  consideration  ;  more  espe- 
cially as  great  numbers  must  be  involved  in  the  danger  of 


Letter  43.) 


The   Christians  295 

these  prosecutions,  which  have  already  extended,  and  are 
still  likely  to  extend,  to  persons  of  all  ranks  and  ages  and 
even  to  both  sexes. 

Trajan  to  Pliny  : 

The   method   you  have  pursued,  my  dear  Pliny,  in  the   "Be  just, 
proceedings    against  those   Christians   who   were    brought  meddSe/^ 
before  you  is  extremely  proper,  as  it  is  not  possible  to  lay  Lettersf  98. 
down  any  fixed  rule  by  which  to  act  in  all  cases   of  this 
nature.     But  I  would  not  have  you  enter  officiously  into  any 
inquiries  concerning  them.    If  they  should  be  brought  before 
you,  however,  and  the  charge  should  be  proved,  they  must 
be  punished,  —  yet  with  this  restriction  that  in  case  a  person 
denies  he  is  a  Christian,  and  shall  make  it  evident  that  he 
is  not,  by  invoking  our  gods,  let  him  be  pardoned  upon 
repentance. 

Informations  without  the  accuser's  name  subscribed  ought 
not  to  be  received  in  prosecutions  of  any  kind  ;  as  it  is  intro- 
ducing a  very  dangerous  precedent,  by  no  means  agreeable 
to  the  equity  of  my  government. 

Hadrian 

The  family  of  the  emperor  Hadrian  belonged  originally  to  iElius  Ha- 
Picenum,  but  afterward  made  its  home  in  Spain ;  for  Ha-   perorUii7^" 
drian  in  his  autobiography  informs  us  that  his  ancestors   *38  a.d. 
once  lived  in  Hadria,  but  in  the  age  of  the  Scipios  settled   Spartianus, 
in  Italica.     His  father  was  ^Elius  Hadrianus.  .  .  .     Left  an 
orphan  in  his  tenth  year,  he  received  as  guardians  his  kins- 
man Trajan,  then  praetor  and  afterward  emperor,  and  Cae- 
lius  Attianus,  a  Roman  knight.     He  devoted  himself  eagerly 
to  Greek  literature,  for  which  he  had  so  natural  an  aptitude 
that  people  called  him  the  Greekling. 

Returning  to  his  native  land  (Spain)  in  his  fifteenth  year,   His  acces- 
he   entered  military  service,  but  showed    himself  culpably  S10n- 
fond  of  hunting.     Trajan  summoned  him  from  Spain,  and 


296         The  Five  Good  Emperors 


Spartianus, 
Hadrian.  2. 


Military  dis- 
cipline. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  10. 


He  banishes 
luxuries. 


loved  him  as  his  own  son.  (With  the  help  of  Plotina  he 
became  emperor  after  Trajan.  Many  years  of  his  reign  he 
devoted  to  travel  through  the  provinces.) 

Arriving  in  Gaul,  he  liberally  relieved  the  needy,  and  then 
passed  on  to  Germany.  Though  more  desirous  of  peace 
than  of  war,  he  exercised  his  soldiers  as  if  war  threatened ; 
he  hardened  them  to  fatigue,  set  them,  in  his  own  person, 
an  example  of  military  virtue,  and  readily  ate  the  food  of 
the  camp  —  bacon,  cheese,  and  vinegar  mixed  with  water ; 
in  these  respects  he  imitated  Scipio  iEmilianus,  Metellus, 
and  Trajan,  the  author  of  his  fortune.  To  make  his  men 
willing  to  endure  hardships,  he  rewarded  many  with  money, 
some  with  offices.  The  military  discipline,  which  after 
Caesar  Octavianus  had  declined  through  the  neglect  of  the 
emperors,  Hadrian  restored.  This  he  did  partly  by  regulat- 
ing the  offices  and  the  expenses,  and  partly  by  suffering  no 
soldier,  without  due  cause,  to  be  absent  from  the  camp. 
Another  means  to  this  end  was  the  appointment  of  tribunes, 
not  for  their  popularity  with  the  troops,  but  because  of  each 
one's  sense  of  justice.  By  his  own  example,  too,  he  encour- 
aged the  rest  to  strict  discipline,  for  he  was  accustomed  to 
walk  clad  in  armor  twenty  miles  a  day  along  with  his  infantry. 

Dining-rooms,  porticos,  grottoes,  and  pleasure-gardens 
he  banished  from  the  camp.  He  himself  generally  wore  a 
simple  cloak  with  a  plain  belt  fastened  by  a  buckle  without 
jewels ;  and  by  his  side  hung  a  sword  with  no  more  orna- 
ment than  an  ivory  handle.  His  sick  troops  he  visited  in 
their  quarters  ;  and  he  himself  always  selected  the  place  for 
encampment.  The  office  of  centurion  he  conferred  on  none 
but  those  of  robust  health  and  good  character;  no  one 
could  be  a  tribune  unless  he  had  a  full  beard  and  was  old 
enough  to  fill  his  office  with  prudence  and  force.  A  tribune 
was  not  permitted  to  accept  the  smallest  gift  from  his  soldiers. 

Delicacies  of  every  kind  he  removed  absolutely  from  the 
army ;  and  not  only  did  he  improve  the  arms  and  the  fur- 
nishings of  the  soldiers,  but  regulated  their  ages,  so  as  to 


An   Inquisitive  Emperor  297 

enlist  none  too  young  for  effective  service  and  to  retain  no 
one  longer  than  the  humane  law  of  earlier  times  prescribed. 
It  was  his  especial  care  to  know  the  soldiers  individually  and 
to  keep  informed  as  to  their  numbers. 

Furthermore  he  tried  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  military  His  knowl- 
supplies  of  the  empire,  and  he  examined  minutely  the  reve-   edjg?  of 
nues  from  the  provinces  in  order  to  relieve  all  needs  :  and   c     t. 

*  '  bpartianus, 

no  emperor  was  ever  so  careful  to  avoid  buying  and  keeping  Hadrian,  n. 
useless  material. 

When  Hadrian  had  reformed  the   soldiers  of  Germany 
after  the  pattern  of  their  emperor,  he  crossed  into  Britain. 
In  addition  to  other  improvements  there,  he  was  the  first  /?*>»«,  p.  251; 
to  build  a  wall  —  eighty  miles  in  length  —  to  separate  the  jJSJJJ?  p 
barbarians  from  the  Romans.  .  .  .  4°4- 

Curious  to  learn  the  trifling  details  not  only  of  his  own  His  prying 
household  but  of  his  friends'  families  as  well,  he  employed  dlsPosition- 
detectives  to  pry  into  all  their  secrets.  Often  his  friends 
failed  to  discover  that  their  private  affairs  were  known  to  the 
emperor  till  he  gave  them  the  information.  It  may  be  of 
interest  here  to  tell  a  story  which  shows  how  well  acquainted 
Hadrian  was  with  the  affairs  of  his  friends.  One  of  them 
received  a  letter  from  his  wife  reproaching  him  for  staying 
away  from  home  to  give  himself  up  to  the  baths  and  other 
pleasures.  Immediately  a  detective  informed  Hadrian  of 
the  contents  of  this  letter.  When  accordingly  the  man 
came  to  ask  a  passport,  the  emperor  rebuked  him  for  his 
devotion  to  baths  and  luxurious  living.  "  What !  "  the  man 
exclaimed,  "has  my  wife  been  writing  this  to  you,  too?" 
People  blamed  Hadrian  for  his  prying  disposition,  as  they 
considered  it  a  grave  fault. 

After  the  emperor  had  regulated  the  affairs  of  Britain,  he  In  Gaul  and 
returned  to  Gaul,  where  he  received  the  unpleasant  news  Spain* 
of  an  insurrection  in  Alexandria  over  an  Apis.    As  an  animal   Hadrian^. 
of  this  kind  was  discovered  after  a  long  interval,  the  various  Ancient  His. 
tribes  of  Egypt  were  violently  contending  for  the  honor  of  tory,  p.  13. 
giving  the  sacred  beast  a  dwelling-place. 


298         The  Five  Good  Emperors 


In  Greece 
and  Asia 
Minor. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  13. 

(For  the 
Eleusinian 
mysteries, 
see  Greece, 
P-  97.) 


Rome,  p.  205. 


His  laws. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  18. 


About  the  same  time  Hadrian  erected  at  Nimes  a  magnifi- 
cent basilica  in  memory  of  Plotina.  Then  he  went  to  Spain 
to  winter  in  Terragona  (Lat.  Tarraco),  where  he  repaired  at 
his  own  expense  a  temple  to  Augustus,  and  held  a  general 
assembly  of  the  Spanish  provincials. 

(Afterward  he  visited  Greece,)  where  like  Hercules  and 
King  Philip  he  had  himself  initiated  into  the  Eleusinian 
mysteries.  He  not  only  conferred  many  benefits  on  the 
Athenians,  but  sat  as  judge  in  their  public  games.  Then 
he  sailed  for  Sicily.  After  his  arrival  there,  he  climbed 
Mount  ^tna  to  view  a  sunrise,  which  from  that  spot  was 
beautified  with  the  varied  colors  of  the  rainbow.  Thence 
he  returned  to  Rome ;  but  setting  out  immediately  for  the 
Orient,  he  travelled  through  Athens,  where  he  dedicated  the 
works  he  had  begun,  including  a  temple  to  the  Olympian 
Jupiter  (Zeus)  and  an  altar  to  himself. 

In  the  same  way,  as  he  journeyed  through  Asia,  he  con- 
secrated temples  in  his  own  name.  In  Cappadocia  he  en- 
gaged many  slaves  for  labor  in  the  military  camps.  (Wherever 
he  went,  he  busied  himself  with  winning  the  friendship  and 
alliance  of  foreign  kings.)  ...  In  his  circuit  of  the  prov- 
inces he  punished  procurators  and  governors  with  such  sever- 
ity that  people  believed  he  had  himself  incited  persons  to 
accuse  them. 

In  judicial  affairs  he  made  up  his  council,  not  of  friends 
and  companions  but  of  learned  jurists,  —  Julius  Celsus,  Sal- 
vius  Julianus,  Neratius  Priscus,  and  others,  —  only  those, 
however,  whom  the  senate  had  approved. 

Among  his  enactments  the  following  are  most  note- 
worthy : 

In  no  city  shall  buildings  be  destroyed  for  the  use  of  the 
material  in  some  other  city. 

To  children  of  condemned  persons  a  twelfth  part  of  their 
father's  property  shall  be  allowed. 

Charges  of  treason  shall  not  be  admitted. 

Bequests  to  the  emperor  from  unknown  persons  shall  be 


Laws  and  Public  Works  299 

rejected,  and  none  shall  be  received  from  known  persons  if 
they  have  children. 

As  to  hidden  treasures,  if  one  shall  find  such  a  treasure  on 
his  own  estate,  he  shall  possess  the  treasure  ;  if  on  another's, 
he  shall  give  half  to  the  owner  of  the  estate ;  if  on  public 
ground,  he  shall  divide  equally  with  the  imperial  treasury. 

Slaves  shall  not  be  killed  by  their  masters.  Those  who 
deserve  death  shall  be  condemned  by  judges  only. 

The  sale  of  men  and  women  slaves  as  gladiators  or  for 
vile  purposes  is  forbidden,  provided  no  sufficient  reason  for 
such  sale  exists. 

There  shali  be  no  houses  of  correction  (ergastuld)  for 
slaves  or  freedmen. 

In  case  a  master  is  assassinated  in  his  own  house,  not  all 
his  slaves  shall  be  examined,  but  those  only  who  are  near 
enough  to  the  master  to  know  something  of  the  deed. 

In  Etruria  the  emperor  held  the  prsetorship  ;  in  the  Latin  Local  offices 
cities  the  offices  of  dictator,  sedile,  and  duumvir  j  in  Naples  and  games- 
he  was  demarch ;  in  the  city  of  his  birth  and  in   Hadria,   ^dri^xg. 
almost  a  native   city,   he  was   a   five-year   magistrate;    in 
Athens,  an  archon.     In  nearly  every  city  of  the  realm  he 
erected  some  building  or  exhibited  games.     In  the  stadium 
of  Athens  he  gave  a  hunt  of  a  thousand  wild  animals ;  but 
he  would  never  take  an  actor  or  a  fighter  of  beasts   from 
Rome  to  use  in  the  provinces.  ...     In  the  Circus  he  allowed 
many  animals  to  be  killed  —  often  a  hundred  lions  at  a 
time.     To   please   the   people   he   often  exhibited  Pyrrhic 
dances,  and  he  was  himself  often  present  at  gladiatorial  shows. 

Though  everywhere  he  erected  countless  buildings,  he  in- 
scribed his  name  on  none  of  them  excepting  the  temple  to 
his  father  Trajan.  At  Rome  he  restored  the  Pantheon  (of 
Agrippa),  the  Ssepta,  the  Basilica  of  Neptune,  very  many  P.  254. 
sacred  buildings,  the  Forum  of  Augustus,  and  the  Baths  of 
Agrippa.  All  these  works  he  dedicated  with  the  names  of 
their  founders.  Under  his  own  name  he  built  a  bridge 
across  the  Tiber,  and  near  it  a  mausoleum. 


300         The  Five  Good  Emperors 

Freedmen  Concerning  the  conduct  of  (suspected)  judges,  he  pur- 

an   s  aves.     sue(j  a  carefuj  jnqUjry  till  he  learned  the  truth.     His  freed- 
j/aJrTalt^ai.   men  ne  would  not  recognize  in  public,  nor  allow  them  to 
have  any  influence  over  him,  imputing  to  all  earlier  emperors 
the  vices  of  their  freedmen  and  punishing  those  of  his  own 
who  boasted  of  having  influenced  him.     This  attitude  ex- 
plains his  severe  yet  almost   playful   treatment  of  slaves. 
Once  when  he  saw  at  a  distance  one  of  his  slaves  walking 
between  two  senators,  he  sent  some  one  to  give  him  a  box 
on  the  ear  and  to  say  to  him,  "  Do  not  walk  with  any  per- 
son whose  slave  you  may  yet  become."  .  .  . 
Misfortunes.       His  reign  was  afflicted  by  famine,  pestilence,  and  earth- 
quakes ;   all  these  evils  he  provided  against  as  well  as  he 
could,  and  he  came  to  the  relief  of  cities  distressed  by  such 
misfortunes.     The  Tiber,  too,  overflowed  its  banks. 
Popularity         To  many  cities  he  granted  the  Latin  rights ;  for  many  he 
diers  andS° "  remitted  the  tribute.     No  severe  campaigns  were  necessary 
with  for-        under  him,  and  wars  were  brought  quietly  to  an  end.     Be- 
cause of  his  remarkable  care  for  his  soldiers  as  well  as  his 
generosity  to  them,  he  was  very  popular  with  the  army.     He 
always  retained  the  friendship  of  the  Parthians,  because  he 
withdrew  the  king  whom  Trajan  had  imposed  upon  them. 
Furthermore  the  Armenians,  who  under  Trajan  had  been 
ruled  by  a  Roman  governor,  were  now  permitted  to  have  a 
king.     He  released  the  Mesopotamians  from  the  tribute  im- 
posed by  Trajan.     The  Albanians  and   the  Iberians  were 
especially  friendly  because  he  had  given  rich  presents  to 
their  kings,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  latter  had  refused  to 
come  to  him. 
Civil  disci-  Very  often  he  appointed  guardians.     Enforcing  discipline 

plme*  among  the  citizens  as  rigorously  as  in  the  army,  he  ordered 

Hadrian*'™.  tne  R°man  senators  and  knights  always  to  wear  the  toga  in 
public,  except  when  they  were  returning  home  from  dining 
out.  In  Italy  he  never  appeared  in  public  without  wearing 
the  toga.  When  senators  came  to  dine  with  him,  he  received 
them  standing,  and  reclined  at  table  in  a  mantle  {pallium) 


Various  Activities 


301 


or  a  loosened  toga.  He  regulated  the  expense  of  banquets 
with  the  care  of  a  judge,  and  brought  them  back  to  the  an- 
cient standard.  Heavily  loaded  wagons  were  not  to  be 
driven  in  Rome,  and  horseback-riding  in  cities  was  forbid- 
den. No  one  but  a  sick  person  was  allowed  to  bathe  before 
the  eighth  hour. 

He  was  the  first  emperor  to  appoint  knights  as  secretaries  Various 
of  his  correspondence  and  edicts.  The  poor  and  upright  actlvlties- 
he  of  his  own  accord  enriched,  but  he  hated  those  who 
enriched  themselves  through  crafty  dealing.  To  Roman 
religious  ceremonies  he  paid  the  most  careful  attention, 
whereas  foreign  religions  he  despised.  He  performed  the 
duties  of  the  chief  pontiff.  Often  at  Rome  and  in  the  prov- 
inces he  heard  lawsuits,  with  a  council  composed  of  consuls, 
praetors,  and  best  senators.  .  .  .  Jurisdiction  in  Italy  he  as- 
signed to  four  judges  of  consular  rank.  On  his  arrival  in 
Africa  a  rain  poured  down  after  a  five-years'  drought,  and 
this  event  made  the  Africans  love  him. 

After  wandering  bareheaded  over  every  part  of  the  world,   His  last  ill- 
often  exposing  himself  to  heavy  rain  and  extreme  cold,  he  ness' 
fell  into  a  mortal  sickness.    In  his  anxiety  about  a  successor, 
he  first  thought  of  Servianus,  whom  he  afterward  drove  to 
suicide.  .  .  .     Finally   against  the  will  of  all,  he  adopted 
Ceionius  Commodus  Verus  as  his  son,  and  named  him  ^Elius  Spartianus, 

,7  ^  Hadrian,  23. 

Verus  Caesar.  .  J 

On  the  occasion  of  this  ceremony  he  celebrated  games 
in  the  Circus  and  gave  a  present  to  the  people  and  the 
soldiers.  The  young  Caesar  he  honored  with  the  praetorship, 
then  with  the  governorship  of  Pannonia,  together  with  the 
consulship.  Hadrian  himself  paid  the  expenses  of  the  last- 
named  office,  and  immediately  nominated  him  consul  for 
a  second  term.  But  afterward  when  he  noticed  the  feeble 
health  of  Commodus,  he  would  often  remark,  "We  have 
leaned  on  a  falling  wall,  and  have  squandered  four  hundred 
million  sesterces  on  his  adoption."  On  account  of  illness, 
Commodus  was  unable  to  thank  Hadrian  in  the  senate  for 


His  death  at 
Baiae. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  24. 


lb.  25. 


302         The  Five  Good  Emperors 

his  adoption.  At  last  after  taking  too  large  a  dose  of  medi- 
cine, the  heir  grew  worse,  and  died  in  sleep  on  the  first  day 
of  January. 

As  Hadrian's  sickness  increased,  he  adopted  Arrius  An- 
toninus—  afterward  called  Pius  —  on  condition  that  this  heir 
should  adopt  two  sons,  Annius  Verus  and  Marcus  Antoninus. 
These  two  were  the  first  to  rule  the  empire  as  joint  Augusti. 

Then  Hadrian  went  to  Baiae,  while  Antoninus  remained 
at  Rome  to  administer  the  government.  But  as  the  em- 
peror made  no  improvement,  he  summoned  Antoninus,  who 
came  and  was  by  his  bedside  when  he  died,  —  on  the  tenth 
of  July.  ...  In  his  last  moments  Hadrian  is  said  to  have 
composed  these  verses : 


Soul  of  mine,  pretty  one,  flitting  one, 
Guest  and  partner  of  my  clay, 
Whither  wilt  thou  hie  away, 
Pallid  one,  rigid  one,  naked  one  — 
Never  to  play  again,  never  to  play  ? 

—  Translation  from  Merivale's  History  of  the  Romans. 


Personal 
appearance. 

Spartianus, 
Hadrian,  26. 


Of  the  same  sort,  and  not  much  better,  were  his  Greek 
verses. 

Hadrian  was  tall,  well-built,  and  of  robust  constitution.  He 
curled  his  hair  with  a  comb,  and  wore  his  beard  long  to 
cover  the  natural  defects  of  his  face.  It  was  his  habit  to 
ride  on  horseback  or  to  walk,  and  he  constantly  exercised 
himself  in  arms  and  in  throwing  the  javelin.  While  hunting 
he  often  killed  a  lion  with  his  own  hand ;  but  once  he  broke 
his  collar-bone  and  a  rib.  The  game  he  always  shared 
with  his  friends.  At  his  dinners  his  guests  were  entertained 
by  tragedies,  comedies,  and  farces,  as  well  as  by  harp  music, 
reading,  and  poetry.  His  villa  at  Tibur  he  built  with  such 
wonderful  art  that  one  could  find  in  it  representations  of 
celebrated  places,  as  the  Lyceum,  the  Academy,  the  Pryta- 
neum,  Canopus,  Tempe,  —  and  that  nothing  might  be  want- 
ing, an  imitation  of  the  realm  of  death. 


A  Prosperous  Reign  303 


Antoninus  Pius 

The  parents  of  Titus  Aurelius  Fulvus  Boionius  Antoninus  Antoninus 
Pius  were  from  Nimes,  Transalpine  Gaul.     His  grandfather,   Sjor^a- 
Titus  Aurelius,  after  filling  various  offices,  was  elected  to  a   161  a'.d. 
second  consulship  and  to  the  prefecture  of  the  city.     His   Capitoiinus, 
father  Aurelius  Fulvus,  an  upright,  austere  man,  was"  also  pjUSt  u 
consul. 

Antoninus  was  as  eminent  for  good  character  as  for  beauty ;  u,.  2. 
he  was  gentle  and  noble,  with  serene  face  and  kind  disposi- 
tion. Though  he  excelled  in  eloquence  and  in  literary 
knowledge,  he  devoted  himself  soberly  and  earnestly  to 
rural  economy.  He  was  mild,  generous,  and  unselfish,  in 
everything  modest  and  unassuming,  —  an  excellent  man, 
and  in  the  opinion  of  good  people,  worthy  of  comparison 
with  Numa  Pompilius.  He  received  from  the  senate  the 
surname  Pius,  possibly  because  in  the  senate-house  he  was 
seen  supporting  on  his  arm  his  father-in-law,  then  feeble 
with  age  ...  or  because  after  the  death  of  his  adoptive 
father  Hadrian,  he  conferred  a  great  number  of  extraordi- 
nary honors  on  him  against  the  wishes  of  all,  or  because  his 
great  care  and  watchfulness  had  prevented  Hadrian  from 
committing  suicide,  or  because  he  was  extremely  merciful 
throughout  his  reign  and  permitted  nothing  harsh. 

He  lent  money  at  four  per  cent,  the  lowest  rate  of  interest,  His  liber- 
but  even  with  this  profit  he  was  able  to  help  many  people  allty' 
from  his  income.  As  quaestor  he  was  liberal,  as  praetor 
magnificent.  He  was  consul  with  Catilius  Severus.  Most 
of  his  private  life  he  passed  on  his  country  estates,  but  was 
well  known  everywhere.  Consulting  at  once  his  honor  and 
his  desire  for  quiet  life,  Hadrian  made  him  one  of  the  four 
consular  judges  of  Italy  and  assigned  him  to  the  district  in 
which  lay  most  of  his  landed  property. 

As  long  as  his  adoptive  father  lived,  Antoninus  paid  him   His  respect 
the  most  respectful  obedience.     When  the  father  died   at  forHadrian- 


304         The  Five  Good   Emperors 


Capitolinus, 
Antoninus 
Pius,  5. 


His  justice 
and  tact. 

Capitolinus, 
Antoninus 
Pius,  6. 


Relations 
with  the 
senate. 


His  public 
benefits. 

Capitolinus, 
Antoninus 
Pius,  8. 


(The  Graeco- 
stadium  is 
probably 
identical 
with  the 
Graeco- 
stasis,  a  plat- 


Baise,  the  son  brought  his  ashes  piously  and  reverently  to 
Rome,  where  he  deposited  them  in  the  gardens  of  Domitia ; 
and  in  spite  of  strong  opposition  he  had  his  father  decreed  a 
god.  He  permitted  the  senate  to  confer  the  name  Augusta 
on  his  wife  and  Pius  on  himself,  and  gladly  accepted  the 
statues  decreed  to  his  own  father,  mother,  grandparents,  and 
brothers,  who  were  now  all  dead. 

He  commanded  the  procurators  to  act  mildly  in  collecting 
the  tribute,  and  those  who  disobeyed  he  called  to  account. 
To  him  there  was  no  satisfaction  in  gains  made  at  the 
expense  of  the  provincials  ;  for  this  reason  he  readily  listened 
to  complaints  against  procurators.  In  asking  pardon  of  the 
senate  for  those  whom  Hadrian  had  condemned,  he  tact- 
fully remarked,  "  My  father  intended  to  make  this  request." 
The  imperial  majesty  he  elevated  by  his  politeness  to  every 
one ;  but  this  kindness  of  heart  vexed  the  courtiers,  for  as 
the  emperor  conducted  no  business  through  agents,  they 
were  unable  to  frighten  people  and  had  no  secrets  to  sell. 

To  the  senate  the  emperor  paid  the  respect  which,  when 
in  private  life,  he  had  desired  to  receive  from  the  prince ; 
and  when  this  body  offered  him  the  title  of  Father  of  his 
Country,  at  first  he  refused  but  afterward  accepted  the  honor 
with  sincere  thanks.  In  the  third  year  of  his  reign  he  lost 
his  wife  Faustina,  whom  the  senate  thereupon  honored  with 
games  in  the  Circus,  with  a  temple  and  priestesses,  with 
golden  and  silver  statues. 

The  emperor  made  a  gift  of  corn  to  the  people  and  of 
money  to  the  soldiers.  In  memory  of  his  wife  Faustina  he 
instituted  a  fund  for  the  education  of  girls,  who  accordingly 
were  called  Faustinianae.  The  following  are  the  public 
works  which  he  built:  at  Rome  a  temple  to  Hadrian, 
devoted  to  the  worship,  of  his  adoptive  father ;  the  Grae- 
costadium  restored  after  having  been  burned ;  the  amphi- 
theatre renovated ;  the  tomb  of  Hadrian,  the  temple  of 
Agrippa,  the  Sublician  Bridge,  the  Pharos  restored ;  the 
harbor  of  Caieta,  the  harbor  of  Tarracina  improved;  the 


Administration 


3°5 


Ostian    Baths,  an   aqueduct  at  Antium,  and   the  Lanuvian   form  in  the 
temples.      Many  cities,  too,  he  aided  with  money  in  build-   ^ic™'  lr°m 
ing  new  works  or  in  repairing  the  old,  and  he  helped  magis-   foreign  am- 
trates   and   Roman   senators   defray  the    expenses  of  their  couunXen 
offices.    Legacies  from  persons  with  children  he  would  not  t0  the 

j     i  ^        r  i  i         speeches  de- 

accept ;    and   he  was    the   first    to   enact  that   no   penalty   livered  in  the 
should  annul  a  testament.  assembly.) 

As  long  as  an  upright  judge  lived,  Antoninus  kept  him  in  His  treat- 
office,  with  the  exception  of  Orphytus,  the  city  prefect,  who   33? A**" 
was  retired  at  his  own  request.     As  a  result  of  this  wise  rule   senators. 
Gavius  Maximus,  the  pretorian  prefect,  a  very  strict  man, 
held  his  office  twenty  years  under   this   emperor.     Gavius 
was   succeeded  by  Tatius  Maximus,  at  whose  death   Anto- 
ninus appointed  two  prefects,  —  Fabius  Repetinus  and  Cor- 
nelius   Victorinus.  ...      So    far  was     the    emperor    from 
putting  any  senator  to  death   that    one  of  them,  a   con- 
fessed murderer  of  a  parent,  was  merely  exposed  on  a  desert 
island,  for  the  laws  of  nature  did  not  permit  such  a  man  to 
live. 

When  there  was  a  lack  of  wine,  oil,  and  wheat,  he 
relieved  the  want  by  buying  up  provisions  with  his  own  funds 
and  distributing  them  free  among  the  people. 

The  senate  decreed  to  name  the  months  of  September 
and  October   Antoninus   and    Faustinus,   but   the  emperor 
refused  the  honor.       The  marriage  of  his  daughter  Faustina  His  children, 
with  Marcus  Aurelius  he  celebrated  with  great  magnificence   Capitoiinus, 
and  with  gifts  of  money  to  the  soldiers.    After  his  other  son,  /***  10/ 
Verus    Antoninus,    had   filled    the   office   of  quaestor,    the 
emperor   made    him   consul. 

The  father  engaged  Apollonius  to  come  to  Rome  from 
Chalcis  to  take  charge  of  the  education  of  Marcus;  but 
when  he  invited  this  man  to  the  palace  of  Tiberius,  —  at 
that  time  the  imperial  residence.  —  Apollonius  refused  to 
come,  saying  in  explanation,  "  The  master  ought  not  to  go 
to  the  pupil,  but  the  pupil  should  come  to  the  master." 
With  a  smile  Antoninus  remarked,  "  It  is  easier  for  Apollo- 
x 


306         The  Five  Good  Emperors 

nius  to  come  from  Chalcis  to  Rome  than  from  his  lodgings 
to  the  palace." 

An  illustration  of  the  emperor's  kindness  of  heart  is  the 
story  that  when  Marcus  was  lamenting  the  death  of  his 
teacher,  and  the  courtiers  were  trying  to  restrain  him  from 
showing  his  love,  Antoninus  remarked,  "  Let  him  be  human ; 
neither  philosophy  nor  empire  kills  the  affections." 

Antoninus  loved  the  theatre.  He  found  great  enjoyment 
in  fishing  and  hunting  as  well  as  in  walking  and  conversing 
with  his  friends.  The  vintage  festival  he  celebrated  like  a 
private  person  in  company  with  his  friends.  Throughout  all 
the  provinces  he  honored  rhetoricians  and  philosophers  and 
granted  them  maintenance. 

The  extant  orations  which  pass  under  his  name  most 
authorities  say  were  composed  by  others ;  yet  Marius  Max- 
imus  declares  they  are  the  emperor's  own.  His  friends 
dined  with  him  privately  as  well  as  on  state  occasions ;  and 
he  never  allowed  a  sacrifice  to  be  made  by  another  in  his 
place,  unless  he  was  sick.  When  he  sought  honors  for  him- 
self or  his  sons,  he  did  it  as  a  private  citizen.  He  often 
dined  at  the  houses  of  his  friends.  The  following  story  illus- 
trates his  politeness.  Once  he  visited  the  house  of  Homul- 
lus,  and  admiring  its  columns  of  porphyry,  he  inquired  of 
the  owner  where  he  got  them.  Homullus  replied,  "  When 
you  enter  the  house  of  another,  you  should  be  deaf  and 
dumb."  The  emperor  patiently  submitted  to  the  rebuke; 
in  fact  he  always  listened  without  irritation  to  this  man's 
numerous  jokes. 

Antoninus  made  many  laws,  in  which  he  employed  the 
learned  jurists,  Vindius  Verus,  Salvius  Valens,  Volusius  Mae- 
cianus,  Ulpius  Marcellus,  and  Diavolenus.  Seditions,  where- 
ever  excited,  he  settled  with  moderation  and  dignity  rather 
than  with  harshness.  The  burial  of  the  dead  within  cities 
was  forbidden,  and  a  fixed  sum  provided  for  gladiatorial 
shows.  ...  Of  all  his  acts  he  gave  an  account  in  the  senate 
as  well  as  through  proclamations. 


Character  307 

Although  he  was  seventy  years  old  when  he  died,  his  sub- 
jects mourned  for  him  as  if  he  were  a  youth. 

Antoninus  was  tall  and  comely  in  person ;  and  when  old 
age  bowed  his  stately  form,  he  bound  his  breast  with  linden 
boards  to  hold  him  upright  as  he  walked.  In  his  later  years 
he  used  to  eat  a  piece  of  dried  bread  before  the  morning 
reception,  to  strengthen  himself  for  his  social  duties.  His 
voice  was  deep  and  sonorous  but  agreeable. 

With  perfect  unanimity  the  senate  deified  him,  while  all 
praised  his  devotion  to  duty,  his  mercy,  and  his  holy  life. 
It  decreed  him  all  the  honors  it  had  ever  given  to  the  best 
princes,  including  a  priest  to  attend  to  his  worship,  games 
in  the  Circus,  a  temple,  and  a  college  of  Antonine  brothers. 
He  was  almost  the  only  emperor  who,  so  far  as  in  him  lay, 
passed  his  life  free  from  the  blood  of  citizens  and  foreigners, 
and  who  might  justly  be  compared  with  Nuraa  in  good  for- 
tune, piety,  and  calmness,  as  well  as  in  the  observance  of 
religious  rites  on  every  proper  occasion. 

Do  everything  as  a  disciple  of  Antoninus.  Remember 
his  constancy  in  every  act,  which  was  conformable  to  reason, 
and  his  evenness  in  all  things,  and  his  piety,  and  the  serenity  Marcus 
of  his  countenance,  and  his  sweetness,  and  his  disregard  of  AureHus, 
empty  fame,  and  his  efforts  to  understand  things  j  and  how  vi  *3o.d  '"*'' 
he  would  never  let  anything  pass  without  having  first  most 
carefully  examined  it  and  clearly  understood  it ;  and  how  he 
bore  with  those  who  blamed  him  unjustly  without  blaming 
them  in  return  ;  how  he  did  nothing  in  a  hurry ;  and  how  he 
listened  not  to  calumnies,  and  how  exact  an  examiner  of 
manners  and  actions  he  was ;  and  not  given  to  reproach 
people,  nor  timid,  not  suspicious,  nor  a  sophist ;  and  with 
how  little  he  was  satisfied,  such  as  lodging,  bed,  dress,  food, 
servants ;  and  how  laborious  and  patient  .  .  .  and  his  firm- 
ness and  uniformity  in  his  friendships  ;  and  how  he  tolerated 
freedom  of  speech  in  those  who  opposed  his  opinions  ;  and 
the  pleasure  he  had  when  any  man  showed  him  anything 
better ;  and  how  religious  he  was  without  superstition.     Imi- 


308         The  Five  Good  Emperors 

tate  all  this  that  thou  mayest  have  as  good  a  conscience, 
when  thy  last  hour  comes,  as  he  had. 


Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus 


His  early 
life. 

Capitolinus, 
Marcus 
Antoninus,  ] 

lb.  2. 


His  acces- 
sion, 161  A.D. 

Capitolinus, 
Marcus 
Antoninus,  7. 


The  charac- 
ter of  his 
rule. 


Marcus  Antoninus,  who  through  the  changing  fortunes  of 
life  remained  true  to  philosophy,  excelled  all  other  emperors 
in  the  purity  of  his  character. 

From  his  childhood  he  was  serious  ;  and  when  he  had  out- 
grown the  care  of  nurses,  he  was  placed  under  famous 
teachers,  who  instructed  him  in  the  principles  of  philosophy. 
.  .  .  Even  as  a  boy  he  devoted  himself  with  great  enthusi- 
asm to  learning;  in  his  twelfth  year  he  put  on  the  garb  of 
the  philosophers  and  adopted  their  severe  mode  of  life, 
wearing  their  mantle  and  sleeping  on  the  bare  ground. 
With  difficulty  his  mother  persuaded  him  to  recline  on  a 
couch  covered  with  skins. 

To  his  twenty-third  year,  during  all  the  time  he  passed 
in  the  palace  of  his  adoptive  father,  his  conduct  was  such 
that  the  father's  love  for  him  grew  greater  and  greater.  In 
all  these  years  the  son  was  absent  from  the  father  but  two 
nights  only,  and  these  not  in  succession.  Accordingly  as  An- 
toninus felt  his  own  end  approaching,  he  gathered  his  friends 
and  the  prefects  about  him,  and  in  their  presence  he  recom- 
mended Marcus  as  his  successor.  .  .  .  After  the  depar- 
ture of  the  sainted  Antoninus,  the  senate  required  Marcus  to 
undertake  the  government.  Immediately  he  associated  with 
himself  in  power  his  brother,  whom  he  thereupon  named 
Lucius  Aurelius  Verus  Commodus,  and  added  the  titles 
Caesar  and  Augustus.  From  that  hour  forth  they  enjoyed 
equal  shares  of  authority,  so  that  for  the  first  time  the  Ro- 
man empire  had  two  Augusti. 

The  people  enjoyed  under  him  as  full  freedom  as  had 
been  theirs  under  the  republic.  The  tendency  of  all  his 
measures  was  to  restrain  men  from  evil  and  to  encourage 
them  to  virtue.     By  bountiful  rewards,  by  indulgence  and 


Administration  309 

freedom,  he  made  the  bad  good  and  the  good  better ;  and  Capitoiinus, 
he  patiently  endured  all  taunts.     For  instance,  a   certain  ^toninus 
Vetrasinus,  a  man  of  ill  repute,  asked  him  for  an  office  ;  and   i2- 
when  the  emperor  advised  him  first  to  win  a  better  reputa- 
tion in  the  eyes   of  the  public,  he  replied,  "  I  see  many 
praetors  who  have  fought  against  me  in  the  arena."     Anto- 
ninus quietly  submitted  to  the  gibe. 

Such  was  the  terror  of  the  impending  Marcomannic  War  War  and 
that  Antoninus  summoned  priests  from  every  quarter  of  the   Pestllence- 
world,  filled  Rome  with  foreign  rites,  and  purified  the  city  ^*°iinus' 
by  all  the  means  in  his  power.     These  ceremonies  delayed   Antoninus, 
him  in  setting  out  for  the  war.     For  seven  days  he  held  the   I3- 
lectisternia  according  to  Roman  rites.  whicMmages 

At  the  same  time  a  pestilence  raged  at  Rome  with  such  of  certain 

pods  were 

violence  that  the  bodies  of  the  dead  had  to  be  borne  away  placed  at 
on  common  carriages  and  wagons.  On  this  occasion  the  ^ches) 
Antonines  passed  the  strictest  regulations  regarding  burial 
and  tombs.  .  .  .  Many  thousands  of  people,  including  a 
great  number  of  eminent  men,  succumbed  to  the  plague. 
The  most  respectable  among  them  received  statues  from  the 
emperor,  by  whose  kindness,  too,  the  bodies  of  the  common 
people  were  given  burial  at  public  expense. 

■At  this  time  a  certain  impostor  with  some  confederates  An 
sought  an  opportunity  to  plunder  the  city.  Climbing  a  wild  imPostor- 
fig-tree  in  the  Campus  Martius,  he  told  the  crowd,  which 
had  gathered  about  him,  that  if  in  falling  from  the  tree  he 
should  change  into  a  stork,  fire  would  come  down  from 
heaven  to  destroy  the  world.  At  a  stated  time,  accordingly, 
he  fell  from  the  tree,  while  he  allowed  a  stork  to  escape  from 
his  bosom.  He  was  brought  before  the  emperor,  who  par- 
doned him  after  receiving  his  confession. 

Toward  all  his  kinsmen  Marcus  cherished  so  benevolent  The 
a  disposition  that  he  not  only  loaded  them  with  honors  of  k^smen.8 
every  kind,  but  granted  his  son,  a  vile,  wicked  creature,  first   capitoiinus, 
the  title  of  Caesar,  and  presently  the  priestly  dignity,  the   Marcus 

.  .        .  ,  .  .  ,,,;,.        Antoninus, 

title  of  emperor,  a  share  in  a  triumph,  and  the  consulship.   16. 


310         The  Five  Good  Emperors 


The  Marco- 
mannic  War. 

Capitolinus, 
Marcus 
Antoninus, 
17- 


The  sale  of 
valuables. 


His  death, 
180  A.D. 


It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  emperor  himself  walked  in 
the  Circus  by  the  side  of  the  triumphal  car  in  which  rode 
his  son. 

After  the  death  of  Verus,  Marcus  ruled  the  provinces  with 
the  utmost  moderation  and  gentleness.  In  his  war  with  the 
Germans  he  was  successful ;  and  with  great  valor  as  well  as 
with  good  fortune  he  brought  personally  to  an  end  the  Mar- 
comannic  War  —  a  conflict  as  formidable  as  any  in  history. 
This  result  he  achieved  at  a  time  when  a  severe  plague  was 
destroying  many  thousands  of  people  and  soldiers.  Panno- 
nia  he  liberated  from  slavery  by  the  total  overthrow  of  the 
Marcomanni,  Sarmatians,  Vandals,  and  Quadi.  He  then 
celebrated  his  victory  in  a  triumph  along  with  Commodus, 
whom  he  had  already  named  Caesar. 

In  paying  the  expenses  of  the  war,  he  had  exhausted  the 
treasury ;  and  unwilling  to  levy  an  extraordinary  tax  on  the 
provinces,  he  held  an  auction  of  the  imperial  valuables  in 
the  Forum  of  the  divine  Trajan,  and  there  sold  the  bowls  of 
gold,  crystal,  and  porcelain,  the  imperial  vases,  his  wife's 
gold-embroidered,  silk  robes,  and  even  the  jewels,  a  great 
quantity  of  which  he  found  in  Hadrian's  secret  cabinet. 
This  auction,  lasting  two  months,  brought  so  much  money 
that  Marcus  was  enabled  to  prosecute  the  Marcomannic  War 
to  a  desirable  close,  and  was  afterward  in  a  position  to  give 
the  buyers  the  privilege  of  returning  whatever  they  pleased 
and  of  recovering  their  money,  without  troubling  any  one, 
however,  who  wished  or  who  did  not  wish,  to  restore  the 
goods.  At  that  time  he  granted  the  higher  nobility  the  priv- 
ilege of  giving  dinners  with  the  same  splendor  and  the  same 
table-furnishings  as  he  himself  enjoyed.  So  liberal  was  he, 
too,  in  his  public  expenses  that  he  once  exhibited  a  hundred 
lions  and  had  them  shot  with  arrows. 

He  reigned  in  the  affections  of  all ;  some  called  him  a 
beloved  brother,  others  a  father,  and  others  a  son,  as  each 
one's  age  suggested.  At  last  he  died  in  the  eighteenth  year 
of  his  reign  and  the  sixty-first  of  his  life.     So  brightly  did 


Meditations 


3" 


his  love  shine  over  all  on  that  day  that  no  one  thought  of  Capitoiinus, 
mourning  him,  for  all  were  convinced  that  he  had  come  to  ^tminus, 
them  from  the  gods  and  had  now  returned  to  heaven.  *8. 


Meditations, 
i.  2-9,  12,  14. 


Some  of  the  Thoughts  of  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus 

From  the  reputation  and  remembrance  of  my  father  I  From  his 
learned  modesty  and  manliness.  teachers^ 

From  my  mother,  piety  and  beneficence,  and  abstinence   Marcus 
not  only  from  evil  deeds,  but  even  from  evil  thoughts ;  sim-   Aureiius, 
plicity,  too,  in  my  way  of  living,  far  removed  from  the  habits 
of  the  rich. 

From  Diognetus,  not  to  busy  myself  about  trifles,  and  not 
to  give  credit  to  the  sayings  of  miracle- workers  and  jugglers 
about  incantations  and  the  driving  away  of  demons  and 
such  things;  and  not  to  breed  quails  (for  fighting),  nor  to 
give  myself  up  passionately  to  such  things ;  and  to  endure 
freedom  of  speech ;  and  to  have  become  acquainted  with 
philosophy ;  and  to  have  been  a  hearer,  first  of  Bacchius, 
then  of  Tandasis  and  Marcianus ;  and  to  have  written  dia- 
logues in  my  youth;  and  to  have  desired  a  plank  bed 
and  skin,  and  whatever  else  of  the  kind  belongs  to  the 
Grecian  discipline. 

From  Rusticus  I  received  the  impression  that  my  char- 
acter required  improvement  and  discipline ;  and  from  him 
I  learned  not  be  led  astray  to  sophistic  rivalry,  nor  to 
writing  on  speculative  matters,  nor  to  delivering  little  horta- 
tory orations,  nor  to  showing  myself  off  as  a  man  who  prac- 
tices much  discipline,  or  does  benevolent  acts  in  order  to 
make  a  display ;  and  to  abstain  from  rhetoric  and  poetry 
and  fine  writing ;  and  not  to  walk  about  in  the  house  in  my 
outdoor  dress,  nor  to  do  other  things  of  the  kind ;  and  to 
write  my  letters  with  simplicity,  like  the  letter  which  Rusti- 
cus wrote  from  Sinuessa  to  my  mother ;  and  with  respect 
to  those  who  have  offended  me  by  words  or  done  me 
wrong,  to  be  easily  disposed  to  be  pacified  and  reconciled, 


312        The  Five  Good  Emperors 

as  soon  as  they  have  shown  a  readiness  to  be  reconciled ; 
and  to  read  carefully  and  not  be  satisfied  with  a  superficial 
understanding  of  a  book,  nor  hastily  to  give  my  assent  to 
those  who  talk  overmuch. 

From  Apollonius  I  learned  freedom  of  will  and  an  unde- 
viating  steadiness  of  purpose ;  and  to  look  to  nothing  else, 
not  even  for  a  moment,  except  to  reason  ;  and  to  be  always 
the  same,  in  sharp  pains,  on  the  occasion  of  the  loss  of  a 
child,  and  in  long  illness. 

From  Sextus,  a  benevolent  disposition,  and  the  example 
of  a  family  governed  in  a  fatherly  manner,  and  the  idea  of 
living  conformably  to  nature ;  and  gravity  without  affecta- 
tion, and  to  look  carefully  after  the  interest  of  friends,  and 
to  tolerate  ignorant  persons,  and  those  who  form  opinions 
without  consideration.  He  had  the  power  of  readily  ac- 
commodating himself  to  all,  so  that  intercourse  with  him 
was  more  agreeable  than  any  flattery ;  and  at  the  same  time 
he  was  most  highly  venerated  by  those  who  associated  with 
him  j  and  he  had  the  faculty  both  of  discovering  and  of 
ordering  in  an  intelligent  and  methodical  way,  the  principles 
necessary  for  life  ;  and  he  never  showed  anger  or  any  other 
passion,  but  was  entirely  free  from  passion,  and  also  most  af- 
fectionate ;  and  he  could  express  approbation  without  noisy 
display,  and  he  possessed  much  knowledge  without  osten- 
tation. 

From  Alexander,  the  follower  of  Plato,  not  frequently  nor 
without  necessity  to  say  to  any  one  or  to  write  in  a  letter 
that  I  have  no  leisure  ;  nor  continually  to  excuse  the  neglect 
of  duties  toward  those  with  whom  we  live,  by  alleging  urgent 
occupations. 

From  Severus,  to  love  my  kin,  and  to  love  truth,  and  to 
love  justice.  .  .  .  And  from  him  I  received  the  idea  of  a  gov- 
ernment in  which  there  is  equal  law  for  all,  a  government 
administered  with  regard  to  equal  rights  and  equal  freedom 
of  speech,  and  an  idea  of  kingly  government,  which  respects 
most  of  all  the  freedom  of  the  governed. 


Our  Relation  with   Nature         313 

Never  value  anything  as  profitable  to  thyself  which  shall  Harmony 
compel  thee  to  break  thy  promise,  to  lose  thy  self-respect,  to  wlth  natu 
hate  any  man,  to  suspect,  to  curse,  to  act  the  hypocrite,  to  Mediiatio* 
desire  anything  which  needs  walls  and  curtains. 

As  physicians  have  always  their  instruments  and  knives  lb.  in.  13. 
ready  for  cases  which  suddenly  require  their  skill,  so  do 
thou  have  principles  ready  for  the  understanding  of  things 
divine  and  human,  and  for  doing  everything,  even  the  small- 
est, with  a  recollection  of  the  bond  which  unites  the  divine 
and  human  to  each  other.  For  neither  wilt  thou  do  any- 
thing well  which  pertains  to  man  without  at  the  same  time 
having  a  reference  to  things  divine ;  or  the  contrary. 

Take  away  thy  opinion,  and  then  there  is  taken  away  the   lb.  iv.  7. 
complaint,  "  I  have  been  harmed."      Take  away  the  com- 
plaint, "  I  have  been  harmed,"  and  the  harm  is  taken  away. 

Everything  harmonizes  with  me,  which  is  harmonious  to   lb.  iv.  23. 
thee,  O  Universe.     Nothing  for  me  is  too  early  or  too  late, 
which  is  in  due  time  for  thee.     Everything  is  fruit  to  me 
which  thy  seasons  bring,  O  Nature ;  from  thee  are  all  things, 
in  thee  are  all  things,  and  to  thee  all  things  return. 

Constantly  regard  the  universe  as  one  living  being,  having 
one  substance  and  one  soul;  and  observe  how  all  things 
have  reference  to  one  perception,  the  perception  of  this  one  lb.  iv.  40. 
living  being;  and  how  all  things  act  with  one  movement; 
and  how  all  things  are  the  cooperating  causes  of  all  things 
which  exist. 

A  prayer  of  the  Athenians :  "  Rain,  rain,  O  dear  Zeus,   lb.  v.  7. 
down  on  the  ploughed  fields  of  the  Athenians,  and  on  the 
plains."      In  truth  we  ought  not  to  pray  at  all,  or  we  ought 
to  pray  in  this  simple  and  noble  fashion. 

How  hast  thou  behaved  hitherto  to  the  gods,  thy  parents,   ib.  v.  31. 
brethren,  children,  teachers,  to  those  who  looked  after  thy 
infancy,  to  thy  friends,  kinsfolk,  to  thy  slaves?     Consider  if 
thou  hast  hitherto  behaved  to  all  in  such  a  way  that  this 
may  be  said  of  thee,  — 

Never  has  wronged  a  man  in  deed  or  word. 


314        The  Five  Good  Emperors 

Let  it  make  no  difference  to  thee  whether  thou  art  cold 
or  warm,  if  thou  art  doing  thy  duty ;  and  whether  thou  art 
drowsy  or  satisfied  with  sleep ;  and  whether  ill-spoken  of  or 
praised ;  and  whether  dying  or  doing  something  else.  For 
it  is  one  of  the  acts  of  life  —  this  act  by  which  we  die  ;  it  is 
sufficient  then  in  this  act  also  to  do  well  what  we  have  in 
hand. 

Death  is  a  cessation  of  the  impressions  through  the  senses, 
and  of  the  pulling  of  the  strings  which  move  the  appetites 
.  .  .  and  of  service  to  the  flesh. 

All  things  are  implicated  with  one  another,  and  the  bond 
is  holy ;  and  there  is  hardly  anything  unconnected  with  any 
other  thing.  For  things  have  been  coordinated,  and  they 
combine  to  form  the  same  universe.  For  there  is  one  uni- 
verse made  up  of  all  things,  and  one  God  who  pervades  all 
things,  and  one  substance  and  one  law,  one  common  reason 
in  all  intelligent  animals,  and  one  truth. 

Different  things  delight  different  people.  But  it  is  my 
delight  to  keep  the  ruling  faculty  sound,  without  turning 
away  either  from  any  man  or  from  any  of  the  things  which 
happen  to  men,  but  looking  at  and  receiving  all  with  wel- 
come eyes  and  using  everything  according  to  its  value. 

Whatever  may  happen  to  thee,  it  was  prepared  for  thee 
from  all  eternity ;  and  the  implication  of  causes  was  from 
eternity  spinning  the  thread  of  thy  being. 

A  spider  is  proud  when  he  has  caught  a  fly,  and  another 
being  when  he  has  caught  a  poor  hare,  and  another  when 
he  has  taken  a  little  fish  in  a  net,  and  another  when  he  has 
taken  wild  boars,  and  another  when  he  has  taken  bears,  and 
another  when  he  has  taken  Sarmatians.  Are  not  these  rob- 
bers, if  thou  examinest  their  opinions  ? 

"  The  earth  loves  the  shower ;  "  and  "  the  solemn  ether 
loves ; "  and  the  universe  loves  to  reproduce  whatever  is 
about  to  be.  I  say  then  to  the  universe,  "  I  love  as  thou 
lovest." 

Neither  in  writing  nor  in  reading  wilt  thou  be  able  to  lay 


Future  Life  315 


down  rules  for  others  before  thou  shalt  have  first  learned  to 

obey  rules  thyself.     Much  more  is  this  so  in  life.  Meditations, 

No  man  can  rob  us  of  our  free  will.  x1'  3  ' 

How  can  it  be  that  the  gods,  after  having  arranged  all  Future  life, 
things  well  and  benevolently  for  mankind,  have  overlooked  Meditations, 
this  alone,  that  some  men  and  very  good  men,  and  men  xxl'5' 
who,  as  we  may  say,  have  had  most  communion  with  the 
divinity,  and  through  pious  acts  and  religious  observances 
have  been  most  intimate  with  the  divinity,  when  they  have 
once  died  should  never  exist  again,  but  should  be  completely 
extinguished  ? 

How  small  a  part  of  the  boundless  and  unfathomable  time  lb.  xii.  32. 
is  assigned  to  every  man  !  For  it  is  very  soon  swallowed  up 
in  the  eternal.  And  how  small  a  part  of  the  whole  sub- 
stance !  And  how  small  a  part  of  the  universal  soul !  And 
on  what  a  small  clod  of  the  whole  earth  thou  creepest ! 
Reflecting  on  all  this,  consider  nothing  to  be  great,  except 
to  act  as  thy  nature  leads  thee,  and  to  endure  that  which 
the  common  nature  brings. 

Man,  thou  hast  been  a  citizen  in  this  great  state  (of  the  /*.  xii.  36. 
world)  :  what  difference  does  it  make  to  thee  whether  for 
five  years  or  for  three?  For  that  which  conforms  to  the 
laws  is  just  for  all.  Where  is  the  hardship  then,  if  no  tyrant 
nor  yet  an  unjust  judge  sends  thee  away  from  the  state,  but 
nature,  who  brought  thee  into  it?  The  same  as  if  a  praetor 
who  has  employed  an  actor  dismisses  him  from  the  stage. 
"  I  have  not  finished  the  five  acts,  but  only  three."  Thou 
sayest  well,  but  in  life  the  three  acts  are  the  whole  drama ; 
for  what  shall  be  a  completed  drama  is  determined  by  him 
who  was  once  the  cause  of  its  composition,  and  now  of  its 
dissolution :  but  thou  art  the  cause  of  neither.  Depart 
then  satisfied,  for  he  also  who  releases  thee  is  satisfied. 


3 1 6         The  Five  Good  Emperors 


STUDIES 

1.  What  is  the  significance  of  the  fact  that  in  this  period  (96-180 
A.D.)  provincials  began  to  rise  to  the  office  of  emperor  ? 

2.  What  indications  are  there  that  Nerva  was  timid  ?  that  he  was 
too  weak  and  mild  to  rule  ?  What  charitable  institution  did  he  found 
(afterward  developed  by  Trajan  ;  cf.  Rome^,  p.  248)  ?  Why  did  not 
Antoninus  congratulate  Nerva  on  his  accession  ? 

3.  What  were  Trajan's  admirable  social  qualities  ?  What  were  his 
chief  merits  as  a  ruler  ? 

4.  What  was  the  extent  of  his  conquests  ?  What  became  of  them 
after  his  death  (cf.  Rome,  p.  251  ;   Ancient  History,  p.  403)? 

5.  What  proof  does  his  correspondence  with  Pliny  afford  of  his 
interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  empire  ?  of  his  energy  and  activity  ?  of 
his  justice  and  humanity  ? 

6.  Why  did  he  forbid  the  organization  of  a  fire-company  (cf.  a  law 
of  the  Twelve  Tables,  p.  93)  ? 

7.  From  the  same  correspondence  what  may  we  infer  as  to  Pliny's 
qualifications  for  the  governorship  of  a  province  ?  Why  did  he  refer 
everything  to  the  emperor  ?  Do  you  suppose  that  other  governors  did 
the  same  ?  Was  his  interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  cities  (munici- 
pia)  advantageous  to  the  latter  ?  In  what  case  was  Pliny  ready  to 
resort  to  oppression  ? 

8.  What  does  the  correspondence  teach  concerning  the  Christians  ? 
How  did  the  government  regard  secret  assemblies  (cf.  Letter  43)? 
Why  in  Pliny's  opinion  should  the  Christians  be  punished  ? 

9.  What  were  the  objects  of  Hadrian's  travels  ?  How  did  he  im- 
prove the  army  ?     What  public  works  did  he  build  ? 

10.  Why  did  Hadrian  pry  into  the  affairs  of  his  friends  ?  Was  this 
a  culpable  habit  ?  In  what  respects  was  his  inquiring  disposition^ 
praiseworthy  ? 

11.  What  were  Hadrian's  chief  laws?  What  improvements  did 
they  make  in  the  condition  of  freemen  and  of  slaves  ? 

12.  Why  did  he  hold  local  offices  in  various  places  ?  How  did  he 
benefit  the  provinces  ?  Did  he  pay  more  attention  to  the  provinces 
than  to  Rome  ?  What  is  said  of  his  administration  of  Rome  and 
Italy  ? 

13.  Describe  the  personal  appearance  and  the  private  character  of 
Hadrian  ? 

14.  What  is  your  opinion  of  the  style  of  his  biographer  (Spar- 
tianus)  ?  Is  it  well  connected  and  logical  ?  Rewrite  the  biography 
arranging  all  the  material  logically  under  appropriate  topics. 


Studies  317 


15.  Describe  the  character  of  Antoninus  Pius.  How  did  he  treat 
his  adoptive  father  Hadrian  ?  the  senators  ?  the  people  and  soldiers  ? 
the  magistrates  ? 

16.  Who  were  the  Faustinianae  ?  What  public  works  did  the 
emperor  build  ?  Did  he  take  as  much  interest  in  the  provinces  as 
Hadrian  had  shown  ? 

1 7.  What  kind  of  a  man  was  Apollonius  ? 

18.  Describe  the  personal  appearance  of  Antoninus.  What  were 
the  excellent  traits  of  his  character  mentioned  by  his  adopted  son, 
Marcus  Aurelius  ? 

19.  Describe  the  childhood  and  youth  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 

20.  How  did  he  try  to  improve  the  character  of  his  subjects  ?  Did 
he  treat  his  kinsmen  with  too  great  indulgence  ? 

21.  What  religious  preparation  did  he  make  for  the  Marcomannic 
War  ?  What  feature  of  his  character  does  this  work  disclose  ?  How 
did  he  raise  funds  for  the  war  ? 

22.  What  did  he  learn  from  his  various  teachers  and  relatives  ? 
Does  he  mean  to  say  that  he  acquired  all  these  good  qualities  ? 

23.  What  was  his  idea  of  a  good  government  ? 

24.  What  was  his  view  of  nature  and  of  his  relation  to  it  ?  How 
did  he  regard  duty  ?  pleasure  and  pain  ?  What  did  he  think  of  con- 
querors ? 

25.  What  was  his  belief  as  to  death  and  the  future  life  ? 


INDEX 


A-chae'ans,  hostages  from,  144. 

A-chil'les,  79. 

Ac'ti-um,  battle  of,  226. 

Ad-ri-at'ic  Gulf,  14. 

^-E'diles,  138,  142. 

y£'du-i,  203,  264. 

y£-mil'i-a,  146. 

/E-mil'i-us,  Lu'ci-us  ^milius  Pau'- 
lus,  146,  149. 

^E-ne'as,  20,  29,  102. 

^E'qui-ans,  86. 

yE-ro'pus,  78. 

A-fid'i-us,  184. 

Af-ra'ni-us,  Lu'ci-us,  211. 

Ag-a-mem'non,  79. 

A-gath'o-cles,  105. 

A-ge'nor,  101. 

Ag-ric'o-la,  279. 

A-grip'pa,  Me-ne'ni-us,  88  ;  Mar'cus, 
238,  240,  268. 

Ag-rip-pi'na,  (Vip-sa'ni-a)  wife  of 
Tiberius,  243 ;  wife  of  Germanicus, 
247,  252,  253;  daughter  of  Ger- 
manicus, 254,  265 ;  a  colony  (now 
Cologne) ,  288. 

Al'ba  Lon'ga,  184;  founded,  20; 
royal  dynasty  at,  29 ;  destroyed  by 
Rome,  45-49. 

Ai'ban  Lake,  mystery  of  the,  67. 

A-le'si-a,  263. 

Al-ex-an'der,  the  Great,  78,  189;  the 
philosopher,  312. 

Al-ex-an'dri-a,  214,  234. 

Al'gi-dus,  Mount,  91. 

Al'li-a,  battle  of  the,  69. 

Al-lob'ro-ges,  115,  117. 

Alps,  Hannibal  in  the,  115-118. 

Am-bra'ci-a,  78. 

Am-i-ter'num,  119. 

3 


A-mu'li-us,  21,  29. 

A-nar'tes,  209. 

An-chi'ses,  20,  199. 

An'cus  Mar'ci-us,  founds  Ostia,  20; 

reign  of,  49. 
A-ni'ci-us,  Lu'ci-us,  139. 
An'i-o  River,  87. 
An-the-mu'si-a,  290. 
An-tig'o-njus,  78. 
An-ti'o-chus,  112,  123,  137. 
An'ti-um,  20,61. 
An-to'ni-a,  261. 
An-to-ni'nus,  Ar'ri-us,  grandfather  of 

the    emperor,   286;     the   emperor 

(Pi'us),    302-308;     Mar'cus    Au- 

re'li-us,  302, 305,  308-315. 
An'to-ny,    Mark    (Mar'cus    An-to'- 

ni-us,  consul  in  99  B.C.),  175;  his 

grandson,  colleague  of  Caesar,  217 ; 

opposes  Octavius,  221 ;  a  triumvir, 

223-226 ;  Gai'us,  219. 
Ap'en-nine  Mts.,  15,  24. 
A'pex,  41. 
A'pis,  297. 

A-pol'lo,  67;  Gallic,  206. 
Ap-ol-lo'ni-a,  220. 
Ap-ol-lo'ni-us,  305,  312. 
Ap'pi-an,  13. 
Ap-u-lei'us,  Sex'tus,  236. 
A-pu'li-a,  195. 
Aq-ui-lo'ni-a,  75. 
Aq-ui-ta'ni-ans,  202. 
Ar'abs,  226. 
Ar-che-la'us,  182. 
Ar'de-a,  20,  56. 
Ar-gi-le'tum,  40. 
Ar-me'ni-a,  211,  290. 
Army  of  Servius,  52;    reformed  by 

Marius,  173. 
19 


320 


Index 


Ar-run'ti-us,  Lu'ci-us,  237. 

As  (a  copper  coin),  52. 

As-ca'ni-us,  20. 

A'si-a,  province  of,  182. 

Assembly,  see  Comitia. 

As-syr'i-a,  As-syr'i-ans,  124,  290. 

As-tu'ri-cus,  282. 

A-the'ni-ans,  prayer  of  the,  313. 

Ath'ens,  182,  263. 

A-til'i-us,   Reg'u-lus,  108  ;    Mar'cus, 

138. 
At-ti-a'nus,  Cae'li-us,  295. 
Au'fi-dus  River,  234. 
Au'gu-ry,  31. 
Au-gus'tus,  see  Octavius. 
Au-re'li-a  O-res-til'la,  194. 
Au-re'li-us,  Quin'tus,  184 ;  Victor,  14. 
Aus'ter,  234. 

Av'en-tine  Mount,  31,  87,  91. 
Axes  of  Magistrate,  84,  185. 

Bac-chan'tes,  Bac'chus,  138. 

Bac'chi-us,  311. 

Bai'ae,  302. 

Ba-le-a'res,  119. 

Ba-sil'i-ca  Por'ci-a,  154. 

Bel'gi-ans,  202. 

Bib'u-lus,  colleague  of  Caesar,  201  ; 

an  aedile  under  Tiberius,  230. 
Bisons,  210. 
Bi-thyn'i-a,  123. 
Blos'si-us,  166. 
Boe-o'tia,  183. 
Bos-po-ra'ne-ans,  290. 
Bravery,  encouragements  to,  133-136. 
Bren'nus,  70. 
Breu'ni,  233. 
Brit'ain,  279. 
Brun-dis'i-um,  212,  220. 
Brut'ti-um,  no. 
Bru'tus,  Lu'ci-us  Ju'ni-us,  57,  60,  84 ; 

Mar'cus,  216,  220,  224;  Dec'i-mus, 

221,  223. 
Bu-co-li-a'nus,  217. 
Bur'rus,  Af-ra'ni-us,  265. 
Byr'sa,  102,  103. 

Caa-ci'na,  247. 


Casc'u-bum,  19. 

Cae'li-an  Hill,  45,  48. 

Cae're,  119. 

Cae'sar,  Gai'us  Ju'li-us,  125;  Com- 
mentaries of,  5;  his  earJy  career, 
198-201;  his  conquest  of  Gaul,  201, 
203,  211;  his  description  of  the 
Gauls  and  Germans,  202-210 ;  his 
alliance  with  Pompey  and  Crassus, 
211 ;  his  war  with  Pompey,  212-215 '. 
his  government,  215;  his  assassi- 
nation, 216-218  ;  Lu'ci-us  ,  223  ; 
Gaius  and  Lucius,  adopted  sons 
of  Augustus,  236,  241,  243. 

Ca-la'ti-a,  221. 

Ca-lig'u-la  (Gai'us  Cae'sar,  third  em- 
peror) ,  247,  252-255. 

Ca-mil'lus,  68-71. 

Cam-pa'ni-a,  described,  22. 

Cam 'pus  Mar'li-us,  53,  187;  under 
Augustus,  238. 

Candidate  for  office,  142. 

Can'nae,  battle  of,  122. 

Ca-no'pus,  302. 

Can-ta'bri-an,  234. 

Can-u-lei'an  Law,  91. 

Ca-phis'i-as,  78. 

Cap'i-to-line  Hill,  70,  164,  176. 

Cap-i-to-li'nus,  14. 

Cap-pa-do 'ci-a,  298. 

Cap'ra,  Lake  of,  38. 

Ca'pre-ae,  276. 

Cap'u-a,  18,  22;  gladiatorial  school 
at,  191. 

Car'bo,  190. 

Car-che'don,  102. 

Car-is'ti-a,  43. 

Car-nu'tes,  204. 

Car'thage,  first  treaty  of,  with  Rome, 
60 ;  founding  of,  101 ;  compared 
with  Rome,  103  ;  first  war  with 
Rome,  104-112;  second  war,  112- 
122;  third  war,  124;  rebuilt,  125. 

Cas'ca,  217. 

Cas-i-li'num,  221. 

Cas-pe'ri-us,  287. 

Cas'si-us,  Spu'ri-us,  85,  89,  97; 
Gai'us,  216,  220,  224. 


Index 


321 


Cas'tor,  254. 

Cat'i-line,  Lu'ci-us,  194-198. 

Ca-til'i-us  Se-ve'rus,  303. 

Ca'to  the  Censor,  Origins  of,  4;  life 
of,  150-157;  Mar'cus,  his  grand- 
son, 155;  Sa-lo'ni-us,  155;  the 
Younger  (philosopher),  155. 

Cat'ti,  Chat'ti,  278. 

Ca-tul'lus,  the  poet,  6 ;  an  informer, 
287. 

Cavalry  (eq'ui-tes,  knights),  53,  85; 
Gallic,  205  ;  Pompey's,  213. 

Cel'sus,  Ju'li-us,  298. 

Cel-ti-be'ri-ans,  171,  190. 

Celts,  15. 

Cen'sors,  94 ;  during  the  Punic  wars, 
128,  131,  154. 

Census,  52. 

Ce'res,  25. 

Cer'ma-lus,  29. 

Ce-the'gus,  194. 

Chae-ro-ne'a,  183. 

Chal'cis,  1. 

Chal-de'an  soothsayer,  156. 

Chi'ron,  282. 

Christians,  persecuted  by  Nero,  270; 
under  Trajan,  294. 

Cic'e-ro,  Mar'cus  Tul'li-us,  as  a 
writer,  6;  statesman  and  orator, 
194-198  ;  death  of,  224. 

Ci-li'ci-a,  home  of  pirates,  192-194. 

Cim'ber,  Til'li-us,  217. 

Cin'e-as,  81. 

Cin'na,  178,  199. 

Cir-cei'i,  61. 

Cir'cus  Max'i-mus,  30,  56,  140. 

Cis-pa-da'na,  15. 

Cith-e-re'a,  257. 

Classes,  Servian,  52. 

Clau'di-us,  Ap'pi-us  Claudius  Cas'- 
cus,  2,  81 ;  Appius,  the  decemvir, 
97 ;  Gai'us,  97 ;  Appius,  the  com- 
mander at  Messene,  107 ;  the  em- 
peror, 261-265. 

Cle-o-pa'tra,  225-227. 

Clients,  32 ;  Gallic,  205. 

Clo-a'ca  Max'i-ma,  56. 

Clu'si-um,  61. 
Y 


Co 'an  robes,  257. 

Co'drus,  282. 

Col'chi-ans,  290. 

Col-la'ti-a,  57. 

Col'line  Gate,  70. 

Com-i'ti-a  (assembly,  people),  dur- 
ing the  Punic  wars,  127-133;  Cu- 
ri-a'ta,  33,  49;  Cen-tu-ri-a'ta,  53, 
57;  tri-bu'ta,  91,  92,  164;  tumul- 
tuous, 175 ;  abolished,  245. 

Com'mo-dus  (son  of  Marcus  Aure- 
lius),  310. 

Con-cil'i-um  of  all  the  citizens,  99. 

Confederacy  of  Etruscans,  19. 

Constitution,  Roman,  under  the  kings, 
31-34,  40,  45,  49,  51-54,  57  ;  of  the 
early  republic,  84-99;  compared 
with  the  Carthaginian,  103;  in  the 
Punic  wars,  127-136. 

Con-su-a'li-a,  35. 

Con'suls,  2,  84;  in  the  Punic  wars, 
127,  130,  132;  after  Sulla,  185. 

Contractors,  131. 

Cor-du-e'ni-ans,  290. 

Co-ri'o-li,  64. 

Cor-ne'li-a,  159,  170. 

Cor-ne'li-i,  freedmen  of  Sulla,  186. 

Cor'si-ca  (Cyr'nus) ,  described,  26. 

Cor-to'na,  Mount,  119. 

Cras'sus,  Li-cin'i-us,  191,  211;  Mar'- 
cus, 236 ;  Cal-pur'ni-us,  287. 

Crete,  211. 

Crowns,  mural,  133 ;  civic,  98,  134. 

Ctes'i-phon,  290. 

Cu'mae,  1,  63,  111. 

Cu'res,  38,  39. 

Cu'ri-se,  31. 

Cu-ri-a'ti-i  and  Hor-a'ti-i,  46. 

Cu-ri-o'nes,  31. 

Cu'ri-us,   Man'i-us,   152;    Quin'tus, 

195- 
Cyc'la-des,  182. 
Cyp'ri-an  Street,  54. 
Cyr'nus,  see  Corsica. 

Da'ci-a,  Da'ci-ans,  209,  279,  290. 
Dan'ube  River,  209. 
Dau'nus,  234. 


322 


Index 


Debt,  law  of,  93. 

De-ceb'a-lus,  290. 

De-cem'virs,  90. 

De'ci-us,  Pub'li-us,  77  ;  Ju-bel'li-us, 
105. 

De'los,  182. 

Del'phi,  67. 

Di-a'na,  temple  of,  169. 

Di-av-o-le'nus,  306. 

Dic-ta'tor,  2,  68,  85,  86,  87;  office 
of,  revived,  185. 

Di'do,  101. 

Di'o  Cas'si-us,  13. 

Di-o-do'rus  the  Si-cil'i-an,  8. 

Di-og-ne'tus,  311. 

Di-o-nys'i-us  of  Hal-i-car-nas'sus,  8. 

Di-oph'a-nes,  166. 

Dis,  207. 

Do-mi'ti-an,  278-281. 

Drep'a-na,  no. 

Druids,  204. 

Dru-sil'la,  254. 

Dru'sus,  Liv'i-us,  169;  Clau'di-us, 
stepson  of  Augustus,  233,  240,  248 ; 
Clau-di-a'nus,  242;  son  of  Tibe- 
rius, 243,  248, 253 ;  son  of  Germani- 
cus,  254. 

Du-ca'ri-us,  121. 

Eg-na'ti-us,  230. 

E'gypt,  15. 

El-eu-sin'i-an  mysteries,  298. 

Elks,  210. 

Embassies,  128. 

Emperors,  Julian,  233-260 ;  Claudian 

and    Flavian,    261-285  '<    "  Good," 

286-317. 
En'na,  25. 

Ep-am-in-on'das,  152. 
E-pi'rus,  77,  212. 
Erc'te,  Mount,  no, 
Er-gas'tu-la,  299. 
E'ryx,  Mount,  in. 
Es'qui-line  Hill,  266. 
E-tru'ri-a,  56. 
E-trus'cans     (Tus'cans,    Tyr-rhe'ni- 

ans),  character  and  civilization  of, 

18 ;  at  war  with  Rome,  61-63. 


Eu-bce'a,  182. 

Eu'me-nes,  king  of  Pergamum,  152. 

Eu-phra'nor,  283. 

Eu-rip'i-des,  81,  109. 

Eu-se'bi-us,  14. 

Eu-tro'pi-us,  14. 

Exile,  voluntary,  120. 

Fa'bi-us  Pic'tor,  3,  5,  54,  66;  Cae'so, 
90;  Max'i-mus,  151;  a  propraetor 
of  Spain,  167;  Rep-e-ti'nus,  305. 

Fab-ra-te'ri-a,  283. 

Fa-bri'ci-us,  Gai'us,  82. 

Fae'su-la,  195. 

Family,  Gallic,  207. 

Farm,  see  Villa. 

Fas'ces,  84,  135, 165. 

Fas'ti,  1;  Consular,  2;  of  Ovid,  10. 

Father,  power  of,  34. 

Fau'nus,  258. 

Faus-ti'na,  wife  of  Antoninus  Pius, 
304;  daughter,  305. 

Faus-tin-i-a'nae,  304. 

Faus'tu-lus,  30. 

Faus'tus,  187. 

Festival,  Latin,  20;  to  the  dead,  42; 
Caristia,  43 ;  of  the  corner-stones, 
43- 

Fi-de'nae,  255. 

Flac'cus,  Ful'vi-us,  170. 

Fla-min'i-an  Way,  241. 

Flam-i-ni'nus,  123,  154. 

Fla-min'i-us,  119-121. 

Flo'rus,  13. 

Flu-men'tan  Gate,  99. 

Flute-players,  140. 

For-tu'na,  at  Praeneste,  22. 

Fo'rum,  Roman,  38,  217;  under 
Augustus,  239. 

Freedmen,  in  fire  company,  21. 

Fru-si'no,  283. 

Ful-cin'i-a,  171. 

Ful'vi-a,  195. 

Funerals,  92,  134 ;  Gallic,  207. 

Fu'ri-us,  Quin'tus,  91. 

Ga'bi-i,  30,  269. 
Gal'ba,  271. 


Index 


323 


Gal'li-a  Co-ma'ta,  263 ;  see  Gaul. 

Gal'lus,  227. 

Ga-ronne'  River,  202. 

Gaul,  conquest  of,  201 ;  description 
of,  202-208. 

Gauls,  sack  Rome,  2,  69-71,  95; 
character  of,  16-18,  202-208 ;  and 
Hannibal,  115-117;  conquered  by 
Caesar,  201. 

Ga'vi-us  Max'i-mus,  305. 

Gel'li-us,  Au'lus,  13. 

Ge-nau'ni-ans,  233. 

Gen'tes,  lesser,  50. 

Gen'thi-us,  140. 

Ger-man'i-cvs,  Cae'sar,  246-249,  252. 

Ger'ma-ny,  Ger'mans,  202;  de- 
scribed, 208-210. 

Glau'ci-a,  175. 

Gods,  origin  of  belief  in,  227-229. 

Government,  see  Constitution. 

Grac'chus,  Gai'us,  125,  159,  167-171 ; 
Ti-be'ri-us,  the  father,  148,  159; 
Tiberius,  brother  of  Gaius,  159- 
166,  171. 

Grse-co-sta'di-um,  304. 

Guilds,  40. 

Ha'dri-a,  295. 
Ha'dri-an,  295-302. 
Ha-mil'car  Bar'ca,  110-112. 
Han'ni-bal,  78,    112-124;     character 

of,  122. 
Has'dru-bal,  113. 
Has-ta'ti,  121. 
Hel-ve'ti-ans,  202. 
Her-a-cle'a,  battle  of,  80. 
Her-ae'a  Mts.,  25. 
Her'cu-les,  Pillars  of,  112,  125. 
Her-cyn'i-an  forest,  209. 
Her-min'i-us,  Ti'tus,  62. 
Her'ni-cans,  89. 
Hi'e-ro,  king  of  Syracuse,  107. 
Hir-pi'ni,  23. 
Hir'ti-us,  221-223. 
Hor'ace,  9. 

Hor-a'ti-i  and  Cu-ri-a'ti-i,  46. 
Ho-ra'ti-us,  Mar'cus  I,  60;  II,  92; 

Co'cles,  61. 


Housekeeper  of  Villa,  156. 
Hy-me-nae'us,  43. 

I-be'ri-a  (Spain),  16;  Carthaginians 
in,  112. 

Il'i-a,  29. 

Il'i-ad,  79. 

Il'i-um,  see  Troy. 

Il-lyr'i-ans,  140. 

Il-lyr'i-cum,  244. 

Im-pe-ra'tor,  190. 

Indian,  234. 

In-su'bri-an  (Gallic  tribe),  121. 

In'ter-rex,  In-ter-re'ges,  45,  49. 

I-o-la'us,  I-o-lae'i,  26. 

I-o'ni-an  Sea,  14. 

I-sau'ri-a,  291. 

Is'ter  (Dan'ube)  River,  235. 

I-tal'i-ca,  295. 

It'a-ly,  geography  and  people,  14-28 ; 
falls  under  power  of  Rome,  60-83  '< 
condition  of,  in  time  of  the  Gracchi, 
161-163 ;  and  the  Roman  franchise, 
169. 

Ja-nic'u-lum  Mount,  61. 

Ja'nus,  temple  of,  40. 

Je-ru'sa-lem,  273. 

Jews,  249 ;  conquered  by  Rome,  273. 

Ju-de'a,  273. 

Judges  (jurors),  appointed  by  Romu- 
lus, 32 ;  selected  from  senate,  132 ; 
from  the  knights,  166. 

Ju-gur'tha,  170,  172-174. 

Ju'li-a,  daughter  of  Augustus,  9,  243; 
daughter  of  Caesar,  211 ;  grand- 
mother of  Augustus,  219. 

Ju-li-a'nus,  Sal'vi-us,  298. 

Ju'li-i,  a  Roman  gens,  199. 

Ju'ni-us,  76. 

Ju'no,  56,  68,  70,  119. 

Ju'pi-ter,  20 ;  priest  (fla'men)  of,  41 ; 
temple  of,  55, 176 ;  a  prayer  to,  68, 
137.  197 ;  Olympius,  254. 

Ju've-nal,  12. 

Kings,  period  of,  2,29-59;  overthrow, 
57,  84 ;  king  of  the  sacrifices,  85. 


324 


Index 


Knights,  see  Cavalry. 

Lae'li-us,  Gai'us,  141. 

Land,  public,  40,  45,  54,  89,  160 ;  law, 
concerning,  162. 

La-ris'sa,  214. 

Lars  Por'se-na,  61. 

Lar'ti-us,  Spu'ri-us,  62;  Ti'tus,  first 
dictator,  85. 

Lat'ins,  character  of,  1 ;  at  Alba 
Longa,  20 ;  treaty  with  Rome,  63 ; 
great  war  with  Rome,  72-74 ;  and 
the  Roman  franchise,  169. 

La-ti'nus,  20. 

La'ti-um,  1,  61,  66;  description  of, 
19-22. 

Lau-ren'tum,  20,  61. 

La-vin'i-a,  20. 

La-vin'i-um,  20,  46,  64. 

Laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables,  92-94. 

Lec-ti-ster'ni-a,  309. 

Len'tu-lus,  Cor-ne'li-us,  194;  Gnae'- 
us,  a  consul,  236. 

Le-on-ti'ni,  25. 

Lep'i-dus,  191 ;  his  son,  master  of 
horse  under  Caesar,  216 ;  as  trium- 
vir, 223;  as  consul,  237;  Lu'ci-us 
Pau'lus,  brother  of  triumvir,  223. 

Li-bur'ni-an,  283. 

Lib'y-a,  Lib'y-ans,  60,  101,  123,  172, 
178  ;  Libyan  war,  112. 

Li-cin'i-us,  169. 

Lic'tors,  84, 165. 

Life  in  Rome  under  the  early  empire, 
281-284. 

Li-gu'ri-a,  16. 

Li-gu'ri-ans,  15. 

Lil-y-bae'um,  no. 

Linen  Legion,  75. 

Liv'i-a,  242,  245,  252. 

Liv'i-i,  a  Roman  gens,  242. 

Li-vil'la,  254,  261. 

Liv'y,  History  of,  7. 

Lo'cri,  no. 

Lu-ca'ni-a,  Lu-ca'ni-ans,  79,  80. 

Lu-cre'ti-a,  56. 

Lu-cre'ti-us,  6. 

Lu-cul'lus,  182. 


Lus'trum,  lustration,  128,  236. 
Luxury,  increasing,  139, 146, 154, 171 ; 

under  the  empire,  250-252. 
Ly-ce'um,  302. 
Ly'ons,  261. 

Mac'e-don,  Mac-e-do'ni-a,  124, 149. 

Mae-ce'nas,  gardens  of,  268. 

Mae'ci-us,  Gem'i-nus,  72. 

Mae'li-us,  Spu'ri-us,  97. 

Magistrates,  annual,  2, 84 ;  appointed 
by  Romulus,  32 ;  of  the  plebs,  88. 

Mam'er-tines,  105-107. 

Ma'nes,  spirits  of  the  dead,  223,  258. 

Man'li-us,  Mar'cus,  70,  95-99;  Ti'- 
tus,72-74;  Au'lus,97;  Gai'us,  195. 

Mar'a-thus,  Ju'li-us,  239. 

Mar-cel'lus,  Clau'di-us,  240. 

Mar-ci-a'nus,  311. 

Mar'ci-us,  Gai'us  Marcius  Co-ri-o- 
la'nus,  63-66. 

Mar-co-man'nic  war,  309. 

Mar-co-me'di-ans,  290. 

Mar'i-us,  Gai'us,  171-180;  Marius, 
his  adopted  son,  185 ;  Max'i-mus, 
306. 

Marne  River,  202. 

Mars,  Ma'vors,  29 ;  Gallic,  206. 

Marseilles  (Mar-salz'),  15. 

Mar'si-ans,  281. 

Masks,  135. 

Mau'ri-cus,  Ju'ni-us,  287. 

Mau-so-le'um  of  Augustus,  238. 

Ma'vors,  see  Mars. 

Medes,  124,  234. 

Med-i-ter-ra'ne-an  Sea,  15. 

Meg'a-cles,  80. 

Mem'mi-us,  175. 

Mer'cu-ry,  206. 

Mer'u-la,  Cor-ne'li-us,  178,  180. 

Me'si-an  Forest,  49. 

Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a,  291. 

Mes-sa'pi-ans,  79. 

Mes-se'ne,  Mes-sa'na,  105-108. 

Me-tel'lus,  (1)  Cae-cil'i-us,  172,  174; 
(2)  Gai'us,  183;  (3)  Caecilius, 
son  of  (1),  190;  (4)  Qiiintus,  con- 
sul, 60  B.C.,  211. 


Index 


325 


Mi-le'tus,  200. 
Mi-ner'va,  56;  Gallic,  206. 
Min-tur'nae,  177. 
Mi-se'num,  276. 
Mith-ri-da'tes,  178,  181-183. 
Morals,  during  the  Punic  wars,  138, 

146 ;  in  the  early  empire,  272. 
Music,  origin  of,  229. 
Mu'ti-na,  16. 
Mutiny  under  Tiberius,  245-248. 

Nae'vi-us,  3. 

Na'ples,  1,  129. 

Nar'ni-a,  286. 

Ne'pos,  Cor-ne'li-us,  6. 

Nep'tune,  35. 

Ne-ra'ti-us  Pris'cus,  298. 

Ne'ro,  son  of  Germanicus,  254 ;  the 

emperor,  265-270. 
Ner'va,  Coc-ce'i-us,  286-288. 
Nes'tor,  153. 
Nic-o-me-di'a,  292. 
Nile  River,  125. 
Nimes  (Neem),  298. 
No'la,  18. 

No-men'tan  Road,  270. 
Nu-man'ti-a,  160,  171. 
Nu'ma  Pom-pil'i-us,  39-44. 
Nu-mid'i-a,  170,  172-174. 
Nu'mi-tor,  21,  29,  30. 

Oc-ta'vi-us  Mar'cus,  a  tribune  of  the 
plebs,  163;  Oc-ta'vi-us,  a  consul, 
178;  Gai'us  Ju'li-us  Caesar  Oc- 
ta-vi-a'nus  (Au-gus'tus) ,  7,  21, 218- 
227 ;  as  emperor,  233-241 ;  his 
opinion  of  Tiberius,  244. 

Op'i-ci  (Oscans),  23. 

O-pim'i-us,  170. 

Orations,  funeral,  2,  134-136. 

Or-chom'e-nus,  183. 

Or'phy-tus,  305. 

Os-dro-e'ni-ans,  290. 

Os'ti-a,  19,  49. 

Os'ti-an  Road,  270. 

O'tho,  271. 

Overseer  of  villa,  155. 

Ov'id,  9. 


O'vi-us  Pac'ci-us,  75. 
Oxhead  Street,  219. 

Pal'a-tine  Mount,  earliest  settlement 

on,  1, 31 ;  night  watches  on,  195. 
Pa'les,  37,  256. 
Pal'li-um,  300. 
Pan-no'ni-a,  245. 
Pa-nor'mus,  no. 
Pan'sa,  221-223. 
Pa-pir'i-us,  first  censor,  95 ;  Lu'ci-us 

Papirius  Cur'sor,  76. 
Par-the'ni-us,  287. 
Pa-ta'vi-um,  16. 
Path-a-ma-si-ris,  290. 
Pa'tres,  32. 
Pa-tri'ci-ans,  origin  of,  32 ;  increased 

by  Augustus,  236. 
Patrons,  32. 
Paul  (Saint),  270. 
Pau'lus,  262. 
Peace,  temple  of,  271. 
Per-cen'ni-us,  245. 
Per'i-cles,  152. 
Per-pen'na,  191. 
Per'si-ans,  124. 

Pe-ru'si-a,  227 ;  Perusian  war,  252. 
Pe-te'line  grove,  99. 
Pe'ter  (Saint) ,  264,  270. 
Phar-sa'lus,  battle  of,  212-214. 
Phi-lip'pi,  battles  of,  224. 
Phi-loc'ra-tes,  170. 
Phle-grae'an  plains,  22. 
Phoe-ni'ci-ans,  101. 
Pi-ce'num,  195. 
Pin'da-rus,  224. 
Pirates,  war  with,  192-194. 
Pi'so,    Lu'ci-us    Cal-pur'ni-us    Piso 

Fru'gi,  44,  87. 
Plan'cus,  262. 
Ple-bei'ans,    plebs,    origin    of,  32; 

oppressed  by  patricians,  86;   first 

secession,  87 ;  their  tribunes,  88 ; 

second  secession,  91. 
Plei'a-des,  118,  234. 
Plin'y,  the  Elder,   n ;  the  Younger, 

12;    correspondence   with  Trajan, 

291-295. 


326 


Index 


Plo-ti'na,  296,  298. 

Plu'tarch,  13. 

Plu'to,  25. 

Pol-i-to'ri-um,  49. 

Pol'lux,  254. 

Ppl-yb'i-us,  History  of,  4,  7 ;  tutor  of 

Scipio  yEmilianus,  125,  144-146. 
Pol-y-sper'chon,  78. 
Pom'pey  (Gnae'us  Pom-pei'us  Mag'- 

nus),  125, 182, 189-194;  unites  with 

Caesar,  211 ;  war  with  Caesar,  212- 

214 ;  Sex'tus,  son  of  Pompey,  252. 
Pom-po'ni-us,  169. 
Pon 'tiffs    (pon'ti-fex,    pon-tif'i-ces), 

wrote  fasti,  1 ;  annals,  2,  3,  85,  91. 
Pon'tus,  kingdom  of,  180,  211. 
Po  River,  valley  of  the,  15. 
Prae-nes'te,  22,   185,  282;    place  of 

exile,  129. 
Prae'tor,  138,  185. 
Pri-a'pus,  256. 
Priests  (fla'mi-nes,  pi.  of  fia'men), 

wrote  prayers,  etc.,  1;    appointed 

by  Romulus,  32,  33;  by  Numa,  41. 
Prince   (emperor),  the  cares  of  a, 

250-252. 
Prin'ci-pes,  121. 
Proc'u-lus  Ju'li-us,  38. 
Pro-per'ti-us,  9. 
Proscriptions   of  Sulla,  184;   of  the 

Second  Triumvirate,  223. 
Pro-ser'pi-na,  Pros'er-pine,  25. 
Provinces  under  the  empire,  235. 
Pru-sen'ses,  291. 
Pru'si-as,  123. 
Pryt-a-ne'um,  302. 
Ptol'e-my,  159. 

Public  works  of  Augustus,  237-239. 
Pu'nic  war,  first,   104-112;   second, 

115-122;  third,  124. 
Pyd'na,  149. 
Pyg-ma'li-on,  101. 
Pyr'e-nees  Mts.,  115. 
Pyr'rhus,  77-83,  124. 
Py-thag'o-ras,  17. 
Py-thag-o-re'an  or    Pyfh-a-go're-an, 

283. 
Py'thon,  78. 


Qua'di,  310. 
Quaes'tors,  128,  185. 
Quin-til'i-an,  11. 
Quin-ti'lis,  215. 
Qui-ri'nal  Hill,  54. 
Qui-ri'tes,  38,  233. 

Rae'ti-ans,  233. 

Ranks,  social,  32. 

Re-gil'li,  241. 

Re-gil'lus,  Lake,  battle  of,  63,  73. 

Reindeer,  210. 

Religion,  under  Romulus,  33;  under 
Numa,  40-44;  under  Ancus  Mar- 
cius,  49;  during  the  Punic  wars, 
136-139;  theory  of  its  origin,  227- 
229 ;  under  Tiberius,  249. 

Re'mi,  203. 

Re'mus,  30. 

Republic,  before  the  Punic  wars, 
60-100;  during  the  Punic  wars, 
127-136;  decline  of,  159-232;  re- 
stored (?)  by  Augustus,  237. 

Rhe'a  Sil'vi-a,  29. 

Rhe'gi-um,  105. 

Rhodes,  182. 

Roads,  public,  168. 

Rome,  situation,  21 ;  greatness  of,  27, 
38 ;  founded,  30 ;  under  the  kings, 
30-59;  becomes  supreme  in  Italy, 
60-83;  ner  early  republican  gov- 
ernment and  political  struggles, 
84-100;  expansion  of  her  power, 
101-126;  government  during  the 
Punic  wars,  127-133;  decline  of 
the  republic,  159-232;  under  the 
emperors,  233-317 ;  see  Contents. 

Rom'u-lus,  30-39. 

Ros'tra,  34. 

Ru-fi'nus,  Pub'li-us  Cor-ne'li-us, 
181. 

Ru'fus,  Lu'ci-us,  166. 

Rus'ti-cus,  311. 

Ru-til'i-us,  Pub'li-us,  174. 

Ru-tu'li-ans,  20. 

Sa-bae'ans,  226. 

Sa'bines,     colonize    Samnium,   23; 


Index 


327 


women  of,  seized  by  Romans,  35  ; 
at  war  with  Rome,  36-38. 

Sacred  Mount,  87. 

Sacred  Spring,  23. 

Saep'ta,  254,  299. 

Sa-gun'tum,  114. 

Sa-la'ri-an  Road,  270. 

Sal'lust,  works  of,  5. 

Sal'vi-us  Va'lens,  306. 

Sam'nites,  customs  of,  23,  74-77; 
wars  with  Rome,  72,  74-77,  79. 

Sam'ni-um,  23;  at  war  with  Rome, 
72,  74-77. 

Sar-din'i-a,  described,  26;  in  treaty 
between  Rome  and  Carthage,  60. 

Sar'dis,  249. 

Sar-ma'ti-ans,  278,  310,  314. 

Sat-ur-ni'nus,  175. 

Sat-y-rei'us,  Pub'li-us,  166. 

Sau-fei'us,  Gai'us,  176. 

Scip'i-o,  Pub'li-us  Scipio  ^E-mil-i-a'- 
nus  Af-ri-ca'nus,  124,  144-150,  160, 
171 ;  Publius  Scipio  Africanus  the 
Great,  141-144, 151 ;  Publius,  father 
of  the  latter,  141,  143;  Lu'ci-us, 
142;  Na-si'ca,  148,  165. 

Scul-tan'na  River,  16. 

Scyth'i-an,  234. 

Seine  River,  202. 

Se-leu'ci-a,  290. 

Se-leu'cid  king,  123. 

Sem-pro'ni-us,  first  censor,  95. 

Senate,  origin  of,  33  ;  growth,  48,  50 ; 
under  the  republic,  84,  89 ;  during 
the  Punic  wars,  127-133 ;  strength- 
ened by  Sulla,  185. 

Sen'e-ca,  10,  265. 

Seq'ua-ni,  203. 

Ser-to'ri-us,  182,  190. 

Servile  war,  191. 

Ser-vil'i-us,  Gai'us,  98. 

Ser'vi-us,  Tul'li-us,  50-55;   Gal'ba, 

153- 
Ses'ter-ces,  237. 
Ses'ti-us,  258. 

Se-ve'rus  (the  philosopher) ,  312. 
Sex'ti-us,  230. 
Sex'tus  (the  philosopher),  312. 


Si-cam 'bri-an,  235. 

Sic'i-ly,  described,  25. 

Si-cin'i-us,  87. 

Sin-u-es'sa,  311. 

Si'ris  River,  80. 

Slaves,  155,  161. 

Soldiers,  condition  of,  under  the  em- 
pire, 246. 

So'ra,  283. 

Sources,  value  of  the  early,  3. 

Spain  (I-be'ri-a),  112. 

Spar'ta,  263. 

Spar'ta-cus,  191. 

Spar-ti-a'nus,  14. 

Ste'phen  (Saint) ,  273. 

Sto'i-cism,  11. 

Stra-bo,  8. 

Styx,  42. 

Sub-li'ci-an  bridge,  61. 

Su-es'sa,  190;  Po-me'tia,  55. 

Sue-to'ni-us,  13. 

Sul'la,  Lu'ci-us  Cor-ne'li-us,  174, 176, 
179, 181-187. 

Sul-pi'ci-us,  71. 

Superstitions,  137-139. 

Su'ra,  288. 

Sy-chae'us,  101. 

Syr'a-cuse,  105-108. 

Tac'i-tus,  as  a  writer,  n. 

Tan'a-quil,  50. 

Tan'da-sis,  311. 

Ta-ren'tum,  at  war  with  Rome,  77-83. 

Tar-pei'a,  36. 

Tar-quin'i-us,  Lu'ci-us  Tarquinius 
Pris'cus,  49-51 ;  Lucius  Tarquin- 
ius Su-per'bus  (the  "  Proud  "),  51, 
54-57;  A'runs,  51;  Col-la-ti'nus, 
56,  57 ;  E-ge'ri-us,  56 ;  Sex'tus,  56 ; 
Tarquins  in  exile,  61,  63,  84,  86. 

Tar-ra-ci'na,  61. 

Tar'ra-co,  298. 

Ta'ti-us  Max'i-mus,  305. 

Tau'rus  Mount,  125. 

Ter'mi-nus,  worship  of,  43;  would 
not  yield  to  Jupiter,  56. 

Ter-tul'li-an,  270. 

The-mis'to-cles,  152. 


'\ 


328 


Index 


The-od'o-tus,  214. 

Ti-be'ri-us  Clau'di-us  Ne'ro,  (second 
emperor)  10,  12,  233,  240-253; 
father  of  the  emperor,  252 ;  grand- 
son of  the  emperor,  253. 

Ti'ber  River,  20,  21,  61. 

Ti-bul'lus,  9. 

Ti-bur,  situation  of,  22,  230;  place  of 
exile,  129. 

Ti'gris  River,  234. 

Ti'tus,  the  emperor,  273,  274-278; 
Ta'ti-us,  36-38,  ss,  242. 

To'mi,  10. 

Tor-qua'tus,  Man'li-us,  34 ;  a  quaes- 
tor of  the  year  43  B.C.,  223. 

Tradition,  3. 

Tra'jan,  288-295. 

Trans-pa-da'na,  15. 

Tras'i-mene,  Lake,  battle  of  the,  119- 
122. 

Treasury,  128 ;  under  Augustus,  237. 

Treaty  with  Carthage,  2. 

Trev'e-ri,  248. 

Tri-a'ri-i,  121. 

Tribes,  of  Romulus,  31 ;  of  Servius,53. 

Trib'unes,  of  the  plebs,  88,  90,  91 ; 
during  the  Punic  wars,  127,  131 ; 
in  the  late  republic,  160-171,  175, 
176,  185;  support  Caesar,  212; 
military,  128. 

Triumphs,  130,  140. 

Tri-um'vi-rate,  the  First,  211 ;  Second, 
223-227. 

Troy  (Il'i-um),  29,  46,  124. 

Tu-der-ti'num,  288. 

Tul'lus,  Hos-til'i-us,  45-49 ;  Au-fid'i- 
us,  64. 

Turp'nus,  266. 

Twelve  Tables,  2,  90-94. 

Tyre,  Ty'rus,  101,  102. 

Tyr'i-ans,  101. 

Tyr-rhe'na,  18. 

Tyr-rhe'ni-an  (Tus'can)  Sea,  14,  18, 
22. 

U-cal'e-gon,  282. 

Ul'pi-us  Mar-cel'lus,  306. 

U'ti-ca,  173,  174.  


Va-le'ri-us,  77. 

Va-le'ri-us  An'ti-as,  5. 

Va-le'ri-us  Max'i-mus,  10;  Pub-lic'- 

o-la,    law  of,    84;    Man'i-us,   86; 

Lu'ci-us  I,  90;    II,  92;   Flac'cus, 

150. 
Van'dals,  310. 
Va'rus,  254. 
Vat'i-can  Mount,  270. 
Ve-i-en'to,  287. 
Vei'i,  49;  conquered  by  Rome,  66- 

69. 
Ve-li'trae,  219. 
Vel-lei'us  Pa-ter'cu-lus,  10. 
Ve-na'frum,  23. 
Ve-ne'ti-ans,  15. 
Ve'nus,  199. 
Ver'gil,  8,  240. 
Ve'rus,    Ce-i-o'ni-us    Com'mo-dus, 

301 ;  An'ni-us  (Lu'ci-us  Au-re'li-us 

Verus  Commodus),  302,  308,  310. 
Ves-pa'si-an,  271-274. 
Ves'ta,  41. 

Ves'tals,2Q,  41 ;  pray  for  Caesar,  215. 
Ve-su'vi-us,  Mount,  191 ;  eruption  of, 

275-277. 
Ve-tu'ri-a,  65. 

Vic-to-ri'nus,  Cor-ne'li-us,  305. 
Vil'la  (farm,  farmhouse),  155-157. 
Vil'li-us,  Gai'us,  166. 
Vim'i-nal  Hill,  54. 
Vin-del'i-ci,  233. 
Vin'di-us  Ve'rus,  306. 
Vir-gin'i-us,  Proc'u-lus,  89;    Dec'i- 

mus,  91. 
Vi-tel'li-us,  271. 
Vol'sci-ans,  at  war  with  Rome,  55, 

63-66. 
Vol-sin'i-i,  282. 
Vo-lum'ni-a,  65. 
Vo-lu'si-us  Mae-ci-a'nus,  306. 

Wight,  Isle  of,  271. 

Xan-thip'pus,  108. 


Zeus,  313. 
Zo'rus,  102. 


OF  TH£ 


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